object(Publication)#685 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(26) { ["id"]=> int(693) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 15:41:57" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(991) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["submissionId"]=> int(846) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(1) "2" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.1" ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(44) "Nation and Security - Security Policy Review" ["hu_HU"]=> string(50) "Nemzet és Biztonság - Biztonságpolitikai szemle" } ["title"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(32) "Introduction to the Issue 2019/4" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(2) { [0]=> object(Author)#722 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(5147) ["email"]=> string(19) "noreply@ludovika.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(693) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["userGroupId"]=> int(218) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(11) "Csiki Varga" ["hu_HU"]=> string(11) "Csiki Varga" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Tamás" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Tamás" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } [1]=> object(Author)#698 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(991) ["email"]=> string(24) "marsai.viktor@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(693) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["userGroupId"]=> int(218) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Marsai" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Marsai" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Viktor" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Viktor" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(0) { } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#734 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(11849) ["id"]=> int(3577) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(693) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }

object(Publication)#113 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(28) { ["id"]=> int(701) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-07-23" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-07-23 12:58:45" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(999) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(2) ["submissionId"]=> int(854) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(6) "3–13" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.2" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(710) "

The authors offer an analysis of the genesis, evolution, and strategies of three Islamist extremist groups in three parts of Africa: al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in the borderland of Algeria and Mali; Boko Haram in the borderland of Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon; and al-Shabaab in Eastern Africa. Through examining the three comparative case studies they argue that the religious agenda of these groups plays the role of a façade only. The most important reasons of the spread of terrorism in all three regions are related to the political and economic conditions, feelings of relative deprivation, low level of trust in government authorities and the frustration of marginalised groups.

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object(Publication)#191 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(28) { ["id"]=> int(694) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 15:47:12" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(992) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(3) ["submissionId"]=> int(847) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "14–29" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.3" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(812) "

Over the past three years, the so-called Islamic State (IS) has made significant progress in building an international network of Jihadist groups that pledged allegiance to the organisation. The affiliates of IS are both new-born movements like the Islamic State in Libya, and older groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria. The latter are much more valuable for the ‘Caliphate’ because they have broad experience and capacities that allow them to operate independently of IS. In its global Jihad, therefore, the Islamic State tried to gain the support of the members of former al-Qaeda franchises, shifting their alliances from Ayman al-Zawahiri to Abu Bakr al-Bagdadi. The paper offers an overview of such IS efforts in the Horn of Africa and an evaluation of how successful this quest had been until 2017.

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object(Publication)#184 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(704) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 15:51:28" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1002) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(4) ["submissionId"]=> int(857) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "30–43" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.4" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(904) "

The negotiation process of the visa liberalisation between Turkey and the European Union came to a sudden halt in May 2016 when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated that Turkey would not amend its anti-terrorism law as a precondition for the visa waiver deal. Going beyond the approach of general policy analyses, the paper draws inspiration from the postmodern or interpretive–discursive political tradition, and proposes discourse analysis, populism and securitisation theories as a theoretical background for finding an explanation to this abrupt move. As the author examines the visa liberalisation discourse in Turkey at the official level from May 2016 to April 2017, she points out how the government’s framing connects with the wider securitisation discourse of the previous years and shows what makes it extremely difficult to challenge or counter the official narrative(s).

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object(Publication)#120 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(703) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 15:57:28" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1001) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(5) ["submissionId"]=> int(856) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "44–58" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.5" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(943) "

The author argues in this study that over the past three decades Libya has been a true laboratory for European and especially Italian migration policies. The years from the 1990s until the present have been characterised by two conflicting tendencies in Libya: on the one hand, the policies of the Qadhafi regime, characterised by an open-door policy towards the influx of low-cost labour from sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab countries; on the other hand, the containment policies put in place by Italy to halt illegal migration flows through the Mediterranean Sea, which were however an infinitely small proportion of the total number of migrants in Libya. Therefore, the study offers an analysis of the objectives of the migration containment policies in the international relations between Italy and Libya, as well as their current extension to other African countries and regions, also examining the effectiveness of these policies.

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object(Publication)#123 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(705) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 16:03:52" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1003) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(6) ["submissionId"]=> int(858) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "59–71" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.6" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(918) "

As the increase of bilateral trade between China and sub-Saharan Africa in the last ten years has been skyrocketing at the expense of Western countries, paralleled by the renewed projection of Chinese soft power in the continent by means of technical aid and economic agreements, the author will analyse the scope, the underlying factors, and the potential consequences of Chinese development assistance to countries in the region. In a comparative manner, the paper also briefly describes the main features that make Chinese foreign assistance different from its Western counterpart. The author argues that there is a contradiction between the economic agenda of Beijing aimed at reproducing centre–periphery contradictions on the world stage with China at the centre of the envisaged world system, and a political discourse still based on the principle of non-interference and opposition to neo-colonialism.

" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(44) "Nation and Security - Security Policy Review" ["hu_HU"]=> string(50) "Nemzet és Biztonság - Biztonságpolitikai szemle" } ["title"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(84) "China’s Development Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and Opportunities" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#752 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1003) ["email"]=> string(22) "puddu@globalstudies.it" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(705) ["seq"]=> int(6) ["userGroupId"]=> int(218) ["country"]=> string(2) "IT" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Puddu" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Puddu" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(4) "Luca" ["hu_HU"]=> string(4) "Luca" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(5) "China" [1]=> string(18) "sub-Saharan Africa" [2]=> string(22) "development assistance" [3]=> string(20) "developing countries" [4]=> string(7) "economy" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#761 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(12145) ["id"]=> int(3688) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(705) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }

object(Publication)#751 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(707) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 16:23:38" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1005) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(8) ["submissionId"]=> int(860) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "72–81" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.7" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1715) "

Defence has become a central issue of strategic discourse among NATO’s Central European member states after 2014, following the Russian aggression against Ukraine. Reinforcing capabilities and readiness within the framework of collective defence requires much from these countries in terms of strategic thinking, capability planning, defence procurement and modernisation – and as a central element to realising their aims, in terms of funds for defence. U.S. President Donald Trump’s sustained criticism calling for ‘more fair’ burden sharing among member states, resulting in the adoption of the Wales Declaration on the Transatlantic Bond (Defence Pledge), further incentivised member states’ willingness to dynamise their efforts. Since then, many European countries – some significantly – have increased their defence budgets and other forms of contribution. This paper offers an overview and analysis of Hungarian defence spending trends since the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004, as this can highlight what has been achieved in this specific ‘enabling’ field in the past couple of years to counterbalance the trend of underfinancing prevalent for a decade. The author argues that the increased attention and resources dedicated to defence and the significant modernisation drive are part of an overarching normalisation process taking place in Hungary. Four indicative scenarios are developed in the paper based on the GDP growth trends and planned continuous increase of the defence budget, showing that independent of the (forecasted) GDP growth rate, the 2% target in terms of GDP would only be met in case of a more intensive, 0.2% annual increase scenario.

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object(Publication)#763 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(698) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 16:10:57" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(996) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(9) ["submissionId"]=> int(851) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "82–97" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(20) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.8" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1048) "

The Czech Defence policy in 2017 and in the first half of 2018 was influenced mainly by the perceived Russian threat, terrorism and migration – nevertheless, Brexit and the new U.S. administration under President Donald Trump were also important external drivers. These factors resulted in various steps taken within the Czech defence sector, ranging from the adoption of refurbished national strategic documents, an increased defence budget, high (yet still problematic) support from the public and the rising numbers of Armed Forces personnel to problems with age structure both within the military and the civilian institutions of the defence sector. Finally, Czech foreign and security policy are likely to be heavily influenced by the result of the parliamentary elections in October 2017 and by the new government of Andrej Babiš during 2018. The author offers an analysis of the strategic drivers of the Czech defence policy to shed light on the synergies and discrepancies of strategic planning and the realisation of these plans.

" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(44) "Nation and Security - Security Policy Review" ["hu_HU"]=> string(50) "Nemzet és Biztonság - Biztonságpolitikai szemle" } ["title"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(58) "The Development of the Czech Defence Policy in 2017–2018" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#770 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(996) ["email"]=> string(26) "Lukas.Dycka@baltdefcol.org" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(698) ["seq"]=> int(9) ["userGroupId"]=> int(218) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Dyčka" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Dyčka" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Lukáš" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "Lukáš" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> array(6) { [0]=> string(18) "The Czech Republic" [1]=> string(4) "NATO" [2]=> string(14) "European Union" [3]=> string(14) "defence policy" [4]=> string(8) "strategy" [5]=> string(12) "armed forces" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#769 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(12147) ["id"]=> int(3690) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(698) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }

object(Publication)#762 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(702) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-27 14:07:41" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1000) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(10) ["submissionId"]=> int(855) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(8) "98–107" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(21) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.9." ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1310) "

The internal and external security environment of Croatia has changed gradually since the declaration of independence in 1991. In the beginning, as in a post-war country, hard security played a vital role in the security policy documents, as reflected in the National Security Strategy (NSS) of 2002. With the accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 2009 and to the European Union (EU) in 2013, multilateral cooperation and collective defence had been prioritised and the new NSS from 2017 was designed to mirror this approach. The changed security environment spurred a reformed approach to defence matters and resulted in increased participation in international peace operations under EU, NATO and UN auspices. Furthermore, as a NATO member, Croatia needs to be ready to answer challenges threatening the collective security of the organisation, such as cyber threats ranging from fake news and foreign electoral intervention to cyberattacks. The first part of this analysis shows what path Croatia has taken after the declaration of independence, which is followed by introducing the current goals of Croatian security policy. Finally, international peace operations, defence spending trends and the capability development priorities of the Croatian Armed Forces are discussed.

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object(Publication)#779 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(27) { ["id"]=> int(706) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2020-08-12" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-08-12 16:19:46" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(1004) ["sectionId"]=> int(13) ["seq"]=> int(11) ["submissionId"]=> int(859) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(30) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(9) "108–117" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(21) "10.32576/nb.2019.4.10" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(792) "

As deterrence is to become a new pillar of Operation Atlantic Resolve and European Reassurance Initiative from 2017, the paper offers an analysis of these U.S. security programs through the lens of deterrence theory. Through the empirical analysis of ERI and OAR, the author argues that these steps create only the false image of deterrence, while the very essence of the increased U.S. presence in Europe is still about assurance; nevertheless, this strategy would not be fully inefficient for two reasons. On the one hand, it helps to avoid the return of Cold War era uncertainty with its negative spirals and unintended consequences, while on the other hand it pushes European allies towards a more nuanced defence policy and does not disrupt the process of U.S. rebalancing either.

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