Előszó

Halász Iván
8.
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This study makes an attempt to present the connections between migration, integration and politics in Great Britain. The author concentrates on analysing the achievements of the Cameron-led governments from 2010 to the Brexit referendum in June 2016. The study wishes to provide an overview of the major government measures aiming at reducing the number of immigrants arriving in Britain and also investigates the reasons why the multiculturalist model has, by now, proved to be a failure. The author thinks it is important to emphasize the relation between the British conservatives’ attitude to the European
Union and the issue of immigration. The study shows that immigration, both from non-European countries and from the Union, has come into the limelight of British politics, therefore it is an important topic for research, especially in the light of the result of the referendum.

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This study makes an attempt to present the connections between migration, integration and politics in Great Britain. The author concentrates on analysing the achievements of the Cameron-led governments from 2010 to the Brexit referendum in June 2016. The study wishes to provide an overview of the major government measures aiming at reducing the number of immigrants arriving in Britain and also investigates the reasons why the multiculturalist model has, by now, proved to be a failure. The author thinks it is important to emphasize the relation between the British conservatives’ attitude to the European
Union and the issue of immigration. The study shows that immigration, both from non-European countries and from the Union, has come into the limelight of British politics, therefore it is an important topic for research, especially in the light of the result of the referendum.

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In 2015, similarly to other European states, Germany, too, experienced a migration shock, which resulted in a political-social turmoil in German society. Due to the number of migrants arriving in a short period of time to the territory of the state not only politicians, but average people also faced the same, never-seen-before challenge on different levels: on the level of everyday community life and also on a political and legal level. Irrespective of their reactions or adaptation methods, one common aim of these actors is the integration of new migrants. Both politics and society have to come to terms with the fact that a huge number of migrants are staying in Germany for good and both must be interested in the successful integration of the newcomers. The study aims to present the German integration model, which is undergoing changes in view of the 2015 events. Although many think that the German integration model can be seen as a successful integration system, it cannot be definitely confirmed. The study analyses the first challenges of integration to understand the present situation. The different actors and different measures presented will show the complex system generating both disadvantages and development possibilities for integration.

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In 2015, similarly to other European states, Germany, too, experienced a migration shock, which resulted in a political-social turmoil in German society. Due to the number of migrants arriving in a short period of time to the territory of the state not only politicians, but average people also faced the same, never-seen-before challenge on different levels: on the level of everyday community life and also on a political and legal level. Irrespective of their reactions or adaptation methods, one common aim of these actors is the integration of new migrants. Both politics and society have to come to terms with the fact that a huge number of migrants are staying in Germany for good and both must be interested in the successful integration of the newcomers. The study aims to present the German integration model, which is undergoing changes in view of the 2015 events. Although many think that the German integration model can be seen as a successful integration system, it cannot be definitely confirmed. The study analyses the first challenges of integration to understand the present situation. The different actors and different measures presented will show the complex system generating both disadvantages and development possibilities for integration.

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Migration is a frequently discussed issue nowadays. This paper is concerned with a phenomenon which more often than not accompanies migration: xenophobia. A large number of researchers deal with the theoretical analysis of “being alien” but much less attention has been paid to the analysis of the forms and degrees of xenophobic behaviour. In the first part of my work I review an American project to integrate migrants, and then I make an attempt to work out a “scale of xenophobia”. Calling attention to each of the grades in our scale helps to highlight the role of laws and the state in the development of prejudices and xenophobia.

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Migration is a frequently discussed issue nowadays. This paper is concerned with a phenomenon which more often than not accompanies migration: xenophobia. A large number of researchers deal with the theoretical analysis of “being alien” but much less attention has been paid to the analysis of the forms and degrees of xenophobic behaviour. In the first part of my work I review an American project to integrate migrants, and then I make an attempt to work out a “scale of xenophobia”. Calling attention to each of the grades in our scale helps to highlight the role of laws and the state in the development of prejudices and xenophobia.

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The situation of the Muslims living in Europe have been discussed and approached in various ways and without doubt the most urgent task of the European Union is to find an appropriate solution for the migration and integration of the Muslim population and simultaneously for the demographic problems concerning the European population. The present situation of migration and the opinion on Muslims living in Europe are changing day by day. At the same time the Member States of the European Union are unable to form a common approach. Furthermore, due to the current developments the idea of incompatibility of the European and Islam culture is more and more present in European societies. The most exciting and also the most responsible task of these days is how to find a solution for the Muslim migration while protecting our countries and preserving our safety and culture. Examining a special aspect of the situation of European Muslims, in my analysis I introduce the status of organisations representing Muslims in the European Union by presenting the European Union integration policy concerning migration and the tools assisting in integration. The European Muslim diaspora does not form a homogeneous group, they are very different ethnically, religiously and politically. Although Islam plays a stronger and stronger role in their identity, they have their ethnic, religious, generational and socio-political differences and they relate differently to the host society, modernization and religion. Therefore, it is not possible to identify a single European Muslim community, it is only possible to identify minorities. Members of the Muslim diaspora are often culturally separated and they tend to become socially marginalized. The lack of recognition of the legitimacy of grassroots organizations representing Muslim minorities largely stem from the diversity of Muslim communities. The governments of the European countries experience significant difficulties when they face the different needs and situations of the Muslim population, which is rooted in cultural, legal, structural and political reasons. The lack of formal Muslim institutions in Europe has made European governments and EU institutions urge the creation of artificial Muslim councils and organizations that could be the bases for religion-state relations. Beside the already existing traditional religious institutions and local initiatives numerous European countries have launched a top-down institutionalization establishing Muslim umbrella organizations in order to connect the interests of the Muslim communities and the political decision-makers.

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The situation of the Muslims living in Europe have been discussed and approached in various ways and without doubt the most urgent task of the European Union is to find an appropriate solution for the migration and integration of the Muslim population and simultaneously for the demographic problems concerning the European population. The present situation of migration and the opinion on Muslims living in Europe are changing day by day. At the same time the Member States of the European Union are unable to form a common approach. Furthermore, due to the current developments the idea of incompatibility of the European and Islam culture is more and more present in European societies. The most exciting and also the most responsible task of these days is how to find a solution for the Muslim migration while protecting our countries and preserving our safety and culture. Examining a special aspect of the situation of European Muslims, in my analysis I introduce the status of organisations representing Muslims in the European Union by presenting the European Union integration policy concerning migration and the tools assisting in integration. The European Muslim diaspora does not form a homogeneous group, they are very different ethnically, religiously and politically. Although Islam plays a stronger and stronger role in their identity, they have their ethnic, religious, generational and socio-political differences and they relate differently to the host society, modernization and religion. Therefore, it is not possible to identify a single European Muslim community, it is only possible to identify minorities. Members of the Muslim diaspora are often culturally separated and they tend to become socially marginalized. The lack of recognition of the legitimacy of grassroots organizations representing Muslim minorities largely stem from the diversity of Muslim communities. The governments of the European countries experience significant difficulties when they face the different needs and situations of the Muslim population, which is rooted in cultural, legal, structural and political reasons. The lack of formal Muslim institutions in Europe has made European governments and EU institutions urge the creation of artificial Muslim councils and organizations that could be the bases for religion-state relations. Beside the already existing traditional religious institutions and local initiatives numerous European countries have launched a top-down institutionalization establishing Muslim umbrella organizations in order to connect the interests of the Muslim communities and the political decision-makers.

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In today’s public debates migration and its perception occupy a prominent place. We can hear plenty of opinions claiming that migration as a social phenomenon is a negative phenomenon; these opinions emphasize the undesired effects and consequences. In this paper the author wishes to nuance this picture showing a less-known historical example where immigration was not considered harmful or undesired, but a sought-after phenomenon. The example presented is Argentina in the second half of the nineteenth century. The paper studies the social conditions that allowed the South American country to accept the second highest number of migrants after the United States. The author reviews the thoughts of the mid-nineteenth century Argentine positivist intellectual elite on immigration that led to the complete renewal of their society. This article traces the ideas of the generation of ‘37, also called civilizators, which significantly influenced the Argentine Constitution of 1853, examines the resulting immigration policy measures that helped repopulate the vast country. As a result of these measures the population of the South American country increased ten times over sixty years; as a consequence, the white European ethnic groups have been dominant ever since. The article also touches upon the social circumstances that led to the downfall of the pro-immigrant views, resulting in Argentina – similarly to other countries of the South American continent – closing the borders from the newcomers.

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In today’s public debates migration and its perception occupy a prominent place. We can hear plenty of opinions claiming that migration as a social phenomenon is a negative phenomenon; these opinions emphasize the undesired effects and consequences. In this paper the author wishes to nuance this picture showing a less-known historical example where immigration was not considered harmful or undesired, but a sought-after phenomenon. The example presented is Argentina in the second half of the nineteenth century. The paper studies the social conditions that allowed the South American country to accept the second highest number of migrants after the United States. The author reviews the thoughts of the mid-nineteenth century Argentine positivist intellectual elite on immigration that led to the complete renewal of their society. This article traces the ideas of the generation of ‘37, also called civilizators, which significantly influenced the Argentine Constitution of 1853, examines the resulting immigration policy measures that helped repopulate the vast country. As a result of these measures the population of the South American country increased ten times over sixty years; as a consequence, the white European ethnic groups have been dominant ever since. The article also touches upon the social circumstances that led to the downfall of the pro-immigrant views, resulting in Argentina – similarly to other countries of the South American continent – closing the borders from the newcomers.

" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["prefix"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(71) "The Background and Results of State-Controlled Immigration in Argentina" ["hu_HU"]=> string(94) "Az államilag támogatott migráció és bevándorlás háttere és eredményei Argentínában" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "hu_HU" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#791 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(2718) ["email"]=> string(19) "noreply@ludovika.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(2455) ["seq"]=> int(5) ["userGroupId"]=> int(235) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) " Szabó " ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) " Szabó " } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(12) "Máté Csaba" ["hu_HU"]=> string(12) "Máté Csaba" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "hu_HU" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(2) { [0]=> string(13) "bevándorlás" [1]=> string(10) "Argentína" } ["en_US"]=> array(2) { [0]=> string(11) "Immigration" [1]=> string(9) "Argentina" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#798 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(7291) ["id"]=> int(1605) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "hu_HU" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(2455) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }
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From a migration policy point of view, historic legal and institutional reforms have taken place in Turkey. A comprehensive modern law on Foreigners and International Protection came into force in 2014. At the same time, non-European refugees remained in a special situation of temporary protection and the inclusion of foreigners is still a sensitive issue. The study reveals the historical background of the Turkish migration policy focusing on certain major periods of migration to and out of Turkey in order to identify the transformation of the traditional policy on immigration, as well as, the challenges with which every country has to face due to changes of migratory patterns. The study points out the migration policy on Syrian refugees and the Turkish asylum system. The study shows that traditional and modern elements of migration policy coexist and the migratory system is still in transition due to the constant pressure and rapid changes of global migration.

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From a migration policy point of view, historic legal and institutional reforms have taken place in Turkey. A comprehensive modern law on Foreigners and International Protection came into force in 2014. At the same time, non-European refugees remained in a special situation of temporary protection and the inclusion of foreigners is still a sensitive issue. The study reveals the historical background of the Turkish migration policy focusing on certain major periods of migration to and out of Turkey in order to identify the transformation of the traditional policy on immigration, as well as, the challenges with which every country has to face due to changes of migratory patterns. The study points out the migration policy on Syrian refugees and the Turkish asylum system. The study shows that traditional and modern elements of migration policy coexist and the migratory system is still in transition due to the constant pressure and rapid changes of global migration.

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PDF

A Kúria gyakorlatából

Berkes Bálint
91–104.
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Between 15 April and 15 July 2016, the Curia of Hungary rendered important decisions in respect of the following fundamental rights issues: right to human dignity [Article II of the Fundamental Law], right to freedom [Article IV of the Fundamental Law], right to respect for one’s reputation [Article VI of the Fundamental Law], freedom of expression and freedom of the press [Article IX, paragraphs (1)-(2) of the Fundamental Law], freedom to conduct a business [Article XII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law], right to a fair trial [Article XXVIII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law], presumption of innocence [Article XXVIII, paragraph (2) of the Fundamental Law ] and right to seek remedy [Article XXVIII, paragraph (7) of the Fundamental Law].

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Between 15 April and 15 July 2016, the Curia of Hungary rendered important decisions in respect of the following fundamental rights issues: right to human dignity [Article II of the Fundamental Law], right to freedom [Article IV of the Fundamental Law], right to respect for one’s reputation [Article VI of the Fundamental Law], freedom of expression and freedom of the press [Article IX, paragraphs (1)-(2) of the Fundamental Law], freedom to conduct a business [Article XII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law], right to a fair trial [Article XXVIII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law], presumption of innocence [Article XXVIII, paragraph (2) of the Fundamental Law ] and right to seek remedy [Article XXVIII, paragraph (7) of the Fundamental Law].

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The Constitutional Court decided 89 cases between 20 April and 20 August, but only in 2 cases did the CC find a body of law unconstitutional. The CC found that the Act on the Right to Peaceful Assembly lacks certain rules which makes this body of law unconstitutional. The CC called on the Parliament to amend the act by the end of this year. The CC decided several cases on the merits of constitutional complaints. Since the rules on this procedure are basically new, the CC faces several challenges on deciding which complaint can be declined and which should not and especially on what ground. During these three months the CC dealt with a complaint of a state hospital. In this case the CC discussed whether a state institution has a standing and what the requirements of a complaint by a state institution are. Prior to this case the CC automatically declined any complaint by state institutions (or any institution with public authority regardless of the details of the case). About the same question could have arisen in connection with two complaints by civil suitors. However, the CC did not decide on this basic question and simply decided the case without examining whether a civil suitor can challenge a court’s decision in a criminal case and ask for aggravation (which was the case in both complaints the CC decided). The CC declined both complaints, however, not because of the lack of standing of the civil suitor.

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The Constitutional Court decided 89 cases between 20 April and 20 August, but only in 2 cases did the CC find a body of law unconstitutional. The CC found that the Act on the Right to Peaceful Assembly lacks certain rules which makes this body of law unconstitutional. The CC called on the Parliament to amend the act by the end of this year. The CC decided several cases on the merits of constitutional complaints. Since the rules on this procedure are basically new, the CC faces several challenges on deciding which complaint can be declined and which should not and especially on what ground. During these three months the CC dealt with a complaint of a state hospital. In this case the CC discussed whether a state institution has a standing and what the requirements of a complaint by a state institution are. Prior to this case the CC automatically declined any complaint by state institutions (or any institution with public authority regardless of the details of the case). About the same question could have arisen in connection with two complaints by civil suitors. However, the CC did not decide on this basic question and simply decided the case without examining whether a civil suitor can challenge a court’s decision in a criminal case and ask for aggravation (which was the case in both complaints the CC decided). The CC declined both complaints, however, not because of the lack of standing of the civil suitor.

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object(Publication)#789 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(25) { ["id"]=> int(2462) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2016-08-31" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2020-05-21 15:53:53" ["sectionId"]=> int(34) ["seq"]=> int(9) ["submissionId"]=> int(2343) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2020) ["issueId"]=> int(186) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(49) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(9) "131–136" ["abstract"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(2404) "

Amidst the ongoing migration crisis some Member States threaten non-EU citizens who illegally enter into or stay in their territory with a prison sentence. Although the EU has only very limited competences in the area of criminal law, the Return Directive (Directive 2008/115/EC) limits considerably the possibility of the Member States to impose a prison sentence for illegal stay. As the Court of Justice made it clear on several occasions, a prison sentence cannot be imposed in cases where it would jeopardise the attainment of the Directive’s main objective, namely the returning of illegally staying non-EU citizens to their countries of origin as fast as possible with respect for their fundamental rights and their dignity. Firstly, in the El-Dridi Case, the Court set out that the Directive precludes national rules imposing a prison term on an illegally staying non-EU citizen who does not comply with an order to leave the national territory. In this regard, the Court emphasised that the issuance of such an order constitutes only the first step in the return procedure and, should this measure fail to work, the Member States are obliged to make use of the other measures provided for by the Directive, which do not include a possibility to impose a prison sentence. Secondly, for the same reason, the Court pointed out in the Achughbabian Case that the preclusion of the Member States from applying such a sentence persists throughout the entire return procedure. Thirdly, in the Affum Case, the Court extended the scope of these prohibitions to the situations of persons who were intercepted entering the territory of a Member State illegally across an internal border of the Schengen area. By contrast, the Member States are entitled not to apply the Directive to non-EU citizens who have been apprehended by their authorities crossing illegally an external border of the Schengen area. Likewise, they can impose a prison term on illegally staying migrants to whom the return procedure has been applied and who continue staying illegally with no justified ground for doing so. The Member States can also impose a prison sentence on persons who, following their expulsion from their territory, unlawfully enter there in breach of an entry ban. They are also free to sanction offences other than the unlawful entry itself committed by illegally entering or staying non-EU citizens.

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Amidst the ongoing migration crisis some Member States threaten non-EU citizens who illegally enter into or stay in their territory with a prison sentence. Although the EU has only very limited competences in the area of criminal law, the Return Directive (Directive 2008/115/EC) limits considerably the possibility of the Member States to impose a prison sentence for illegal stay. As the Court of Justice made it clear on several occasions, a prison sentence cannot be imposed in cases where it would jeopardise the attainment of the Directive’s main objective, namely the returning of illegally staying non-EU citizens to their countries of origin as fast as possible with respect for their fundamental rights and their dignity. Firstly, in the El-Dridi Case, the Court set out that the Directive precludes national rules imposing a prison term on an illegally staying non-EU citizen who does not comply with an order to leave the national territory. In this regard, the Court emphasised that the issuance of such an order constitutes only the first step in the return procedure and, should this measure fail to work, the Member States are obliged to make use of the other measures provided for by the Directive, which do not include a possibility to impose a prison sentence. Secondly, for the same reason, the Court pointed out in the Achughbabian Case that the preclusion of the Member States from applying such a sentence persists throughout the entire return procedure. Thirdly, in the Affum Case, the Court extended the scope of these prohibitions to the situations of persons who were intercepted entering the territory of a Member State illegally across an internal border of the Schengen area. By contrast, the Member States are entitled not to apply the Directive to non-EU citizens who have been apprehended by their authorities crossing illegally an external border of the Schengen area. Likewise, they can impose a prison term on illegally staying migrants to whom the return procedure has been applied and who continue staying illegally with no justified ground for doing so. The Member States can also impose a prison sentence on persons who, following their expulsion from their territory, unlawfully enter there in breach of an entry ban. They are also free to sanction offences other than the unlawful entry itself committed by illegally entering or staying non-EU citizens.

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Since last April the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has adopted two judgments in cases against Hungary, notably in the cases concerning the dismissal of the President of the Supreme Court and the freedom of speech in Parliament. This paper also discusses a Hungarian judgment concerning the detention of asylum seekers, as well as judgments adopted in respect of other countries concerning, among other issues, the case-law on pre-trial detentions, the so-called Bosphorus presumption, the locus standi of non-governmental organisations intending to represent vulnerable victims before the Court and the freedom of religion and assembly in Turkey.

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Since last April the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has adopted two judgments in cases against Hungary, notably in the cases concerning the dismissal of the President of the Supreme Court and the freedom of speech in Parliament. This paper also discusses a Hungarian judgment concerning the detention of asylum seekers, as well as judgments adopted in respect of other countries concerning, among other issues, the case-law on pre-trial detentions, the so-called Bosphorus presumption, the locus standi of non-governmental organisations intending to represent vulnerable victims before the Court and the freedom of religion and assembly in Turkey.

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