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Structural Conflicts: PR China-Taiwan relations, youth unemployment, growing Chinese influence on Taiwan, De-legitimization of the present political regime led by Kuomintang. Triggering the mechanism of protest on March 18, 2014, in Taipei, the actual conflict the KMT president, government and parliamentary fraction pushed for was ratification of a treaty with China, manipulating political decision making in the Legislative Yuan for fast (“30 second incident”) and full acceptance of Cross Strait Service and Trade Agreement (CSSTA). The opposition Democratic Progress Party and the Taiwan Solidarity Union perceived the threat of exclusion of parliamentary opposition from the decision making. NGO’s, student organizations, different forces of civil society felt excluded from the discourse and criticized the “black box” of political decision making. This injustice mobilized NGO’s and student movements for democracy and transparency against the ratification of CSSTA. Students, their supporters and allies started the occupation of the Executive Yuan building in Taipei from March 18 until April 10, 2014. The reactions of the authorities were selective and repressive tolerance, tolerating the occupation of the building of the Legislative Yuan, but not tolerating the occupation of the building of the Executive Yuan, the Prime Minister’s office. There was a police intervention with force, followed by a discussion on the police brutality and violence resulting in the criticism by the NGO’s. Political opportunities expanded for the protest by the internal division of the KMT between “hardliners” and “softliners” positions, and of the political elite between the governing and the opposition parties. The occupation of the parliament and the following legal procedures and disputes are open, but the concept of civil disobedience is used by the protesters as in the “Umbrella Movement” of Hong-Kong (2014–15).

These discourses use human rights frames against the law and order orientation of the authorities. The protest opened a new policy window, first rejection, latter acceptance of the basic demand, not to pass the CSSTA law on the fast track. Elites were more and more divided by the wide civic support of the protest movement which was supported by a wide coalition of media and professional intellectual discourse as well as solidarity campaigns and a series of protests, marches, rallies, demonstrations mainly in Taipei on Ketaglan boulevard but also in some bigger cities of Taiwan. The short term results of the protest campaign were : CSSTA was not accepted by the parliament on the fast track, a wide de-legitimization of the governing party (results of 2014 and 2016 elections), protests waves in Hong-Kong/Macau against China based authoritarian tendencies; international media coverage and support by civil society in Taiwan. Challenges for Taiwanese politics: a democratic revival with new political enterpreneurs and Agents? Rethinking the relations with PR China? A constitutional reform? – open questions for the future development of Taiwan, made conscious in wider circles by the intensive protest campaign against CSSTA in 2014 Spring Taipei.

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Structural Conflicts: PR China-Taiwan relations, youth unemployment, growing Chinese influence on Taiwan, De-legitimization of the present political regime led by Kuomintang. Triggering the mechanism of protest on March 18, 2014, in Taipei, the actual conflict the KMT president, government and parliamentary fraction pushed for was ratification of a treaty with China, manipulating political decision making in the Legislative Yuan for fast (“30 second incident”) and full acceptance of Cross Strait Service and Trade Agreement (CSSTA). The opposition Democratic Progress Party and the Taiwan Solidarity Union perceived the threat of exclusion of parliamentary opposition from the decision making. NGO’s, student organizations, different forces of civil society felt excluded from the discourse and criticized the “black box” of political decision making. This injustice mobilized NGO’s and student movements for democracy and transparency against the ratification of CSSTA. Students, their supporters and allies started the occupation of the Executive Yuan building in Taipei from March 18 until April 10, 2014. The reactions of the authorities were selective and repressive tolerance, tolerating the occupation of the building of the Legislative Yuan, but not tolerating the occupation of the building of the Executive Yuan, the Prime Minister’s office. There was a police intervention with force, followed by a discussion on the police brutality and violence resulting in the criticism by the NGO’s. Political opportunities expanded for the protest by the internal division of the KMT between “hardliners” and “softliners” positions, and of the political elite between the governing and the opposition parties. The occupation of the parliament and the following legal procedures and disputes are open, but the concept of civil disobedience is used by the protesters as in the “Umbrella Movement” of Hong-Kong (2014–15).

These discourses use human rights frames against the law and order orientation of the authorities. The protest opened a new policy window, first rejection, latter acceptance of the basic demand, not to pass the CSSTA law on the fast track. Elites were more and more divided by the wide civic support of the protest movement which was supported by a wide coalition of media and professional intellectual discourse as well as solidarity campaigns and a series of protests, marches, rallies, demonstrations mainly in Taipei on Ketaglan boulevard but also in some bigger cities of Taiwan. The short term results of the protest campaign were : CSSTA was not accepted by the parliament on the fast track, a wide de-legitimization of the governing party (results of 2014 and 2016 elections), protests waves in Hong-Kong/Macau against China based authoritarian tendencies; international media coverage and support by civil society in Taiwan. Challenges for Taiwanese politics: a democratic revival with new political enterpreneurs and Agents? Rethinking the relations with PR China? A constitutional reform? – open questions for the future development of Taiwan, made conscious in wider circles by the intensive protest campaign against CSSTA in 2014 Spring Taipei.

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The 2007–2013 financial planning framework has been undoubtedly a period of collecting substantial experience for Hungary, since this was the first full financial framework that the country participated in as a member state. In this period the country had three different prime ministers, and thus citing the institutional changes would exceed the limits of this study. The current article makes an attempt to offer an overview of the connection of public procurement and development priorities. It is easy to comprehend in ordinary life that what is cheap is not necessarily good and what is good is not necessarily cheap. When similar dilemmas arise on the level of grand systems, it is definite that the complexity caused by such priority contradictions can lead to problems of overwhelming complexities resulting in inefficient use of development funds and furthermore to the decay of public interest. Hopefully the unified scientific perspective of public procurement and development priorities can contribute to avoiding previous mistakes in the 2014–2020 financial framework period.

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The 2007–2013 financial planning framework has been undoubtedly a period of collecting substantial experience for Hungary, since this was the first full financial framework that the country participated in as a member state. In this period the country had three different prime ministers, and thus citing the institutional changes would exceed the limits of this study. The current article makes an attempt to offer an overview of the connection of public procurement and development priorities. It is easy to comprehend in ordinary life that what is cheap is not necessarily good and what is good is not necessarily cheap. When similar dilemmas arise on the level of grand systems, it is definite that the complexity caused by such priority contradictions can lead to problems of overwhelming complexities resulting in inefficient use of development funds and furthermore to the decay of public interest. Hopefully the unified scientific perspective of public procurement and development priorities can contribute to avoiding previous mistakes in the 2014–2020 financial framework period.

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There is extensive academic consensus in regard to the principle of separation of powers being the intellectual product of the Enlightenment, and we can find the sources of the separation of powers in the organic constitutional development and the rule of law principle, which were formed in the political and social milieu of the 17th century England. On the field, however, there is no consensus among various scholars whether we can look to the ancient Greco-Roman theories of state and the medieval, furthermore the renaissance political philosophical ideologies as the preludes or alternative theoretical expressions of the separation of powers doctrine. Contrast to Albert Takács, we ourselves agree with János Sári, according to him “It is possible to put together the modern structure of the separation of powers from the mosaics of the ancient elements”.

The main hypothesis of this paper, that the principle of separation of powers has its preludes, as a result of an organic philosophical, institutional, moreover social historical progress, which happened in the Western Christian civilization during several centuries. And we can find the foundations of this progress in the philosophies of the antique Greco-Roman authors. Such historical milestones catalysed the development of the principle of the separation of powers as the medieval investiture conflicts, the wars of independence of the Italian city-states (from the Holy Roman Empire) and the Reformation, furthermore the clash between the absolute monarchs and the estates, moreover the revolutions of the 17th–19th centuries.

One of the conclusions of this paper, which would be applicable nowadays, that the principle of separation of powers is not a universally adaptable “recipe” or ideology (e.g. Democracy promotion), but also a complex theoretical framework and its practical adaptation (best practices) in a typical geographical space, as well as in a typical Christian religious and Western cultural milieu.

This would be an answer to the question, why has democracy promotion not been successful in the Middle East, especially in the Muslim Arab countries, which have a totally different legal system, religious and social traditions and historical features, than their Western European and Northern American counterparts. Based on Huntington’s well-known Clash of Civilizations (COC) hypothesis, the transition to democracy has caused serious hardships in the post-soviet and post-socialist countries, which belong to the Eastern Orthodox civilization. Historic reasons, such as the Byzantine despotic tradition, the tyranny of the Mongolian and Ottoman invaders, as well as bureaucratic tyranny are the determinative historical experience in this region instead of the impact of the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Enlightenment on the Western world.

" ["hu_HU"]=> string(2884) "

There is extensive academic consensus in regard to the principle of separation of powers being the intellectual product of the Enlightenment, and we can find the sources of the separation of powers in the organic constitutional development and the rule of law principle, which were formed in the political and social milieu of the 17th century England. On the field, however, there is no consensus among various scholars whether we can look to the ancient Greco-Roman theories of state and the medieval, furthermore the renaissance political philosophical ideologies as the preludes or alternative theoretical expressions of the separation of powers doctrine. Contrast to Albert Takács, we ourselves agree with János Sári, according to him “It is possible to put together the modern structure of the separation of powers from the mosaics of the ancient elements”.

The main hypothesis of this paper, that the principle of separation of powers has its preludes, as a result of an organic philosophical, institutional, moreover social historical progress, which happened in the Western Christian civilization during several centuries. And we can find the foundations of this progress in the philosophies of the antique Greco-Roman authors. Such historical milestones catalysed the development of the principle of the separation of powers as the medieval investiture conflicts, the wars of independence of the Italian city-states (from the Holy Roman Empire) and the Reformation, furthermore the clash between the absolute monarchs and the estates, moreover the revolutions of the 17th–19th centuries.

One of the conclusions of this paper, which would be applicable nowadays, that the principle of separation of powers is not a universally adaptable “recipe” or ideology (e.g. Democracy promotion), but also a complex theoretical framework and its practical adaptation (best practices) in a typical geographical space, as well as in a typical Christian religious and Western cultural milieu.

This would be an answer to the question, why has democracy promotion not been successful in the Middle East, especially in the Muslim Arab countries, which have a totally different legal system, religious and social traditions and historical features, than their Western European and Northern American counterparts. Based on Huntington’s well-known Clash of Civilizations (COC) hypothesis, the transition to democracy has caused serious hardships in the post-soviet and post-socialist countries, which belong to the Eastern Orthodox civilization. Historic reasons, such as the Byzantine despotic tradition, the tyranny of the Mongolian and Ottoman invaders, as well as bureaucratic tyranny are the determinative historical experience in this region instead of the impact of the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Enlightenment on the Western world.

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From the many indicators which can be used to measure the satisfaction with the governance, the different citizen trust indexes show unanimously the fall of trust and interest towards state institutions and political parties all over Europe (Hunyady, 2010). It was clearly articulated by the different types of Occupy Wall Street – as grassroots movements – in several parts of the world, ranging from the US through Western Europe and even in Central and Eastern Europe, that citizens want to get much closer insights and a greater participation level in the decision making process than before. The relevance of channeling the local levels in the decision making processes seems to be indispensable. The paper will highlight some aspects of the current political crisis which is structural in its nature. Furthermore it will offer some alternative leadership theories, which could be adequate to answer these structural problems: the question of greater involvement of citizens (citizen pillar) and the issue of democratic deficit addressed through different democracy development methods involving various elements of direct democracy projects, e-democracy and local participation development, and best practices of municipal participatory democracy programs.

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From the many indicators which can be used to measure the satisfaction with the governance, the different citizen trust indexes show unanimously the fall of trust and interest towards state institutions and political parties all over Europe (Hunyady, 2010). It was clearly articulated by the different types of Occupy Wall Street – as grassroots movements – in several parts of the world, ranging from the US through Western Europe and even in Central and Eastern Europe, that citizens want to get much closer insights and a greater participation level in the decision making process than before. The relevance of channeling the local levels in the decision making processes seems to be indispensable. The paper will highlight some aspects of the current political crisis which is structural in its nature. Furthermore it will offer some alternative leadership theories, which could be adequate to answer these structural problems: the question of greater involvement of citizens (citizen pillar) and the issue of democratic deficit addressed through different democracy development methods involving various elements of direct democracy projects, e-democracy and local participation development, and best practices of municipal participatory democracy programs.

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A Kúria gyakorlatából

Berkes Bálint
95–102.
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Between 15 December, 2015, and 15 February, 2016, the Curia of Hungary rendered important decisions in respect to the following fundamental rights issues: right to human dignity [Article II of the Fundamental Law], freedom to conduct a business [Article XII of the Fundamental Law], children’s right to the protection and care necessary for their proper physical, intellectual and moral development [Article XVI of the Fundamental Law], right to physical and mental health [Article XX of the Fundamental Law], right to a fair trial [Article XXVIII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law] and right to seek remedy [Article XXVIII, paragraph (7) of the Fundamental Law].

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Between 15 December, 2015, and 15 February, 2016, the Curia of Hungary rendered important decisions in respect to the following fundamental rights issues: right to human dignity [Article II of the Fundamental Law], freedom to conduct a business [Article XII of the Fundamental Law], children’s right to the protection and care necessary for their proper physical, intellectual and moral development [Article XVI of the Fundamental Law], right to physical and mental health [Article XX of the Fundamental Law], right to a fair trial [Article XXVIII, paragraph (1) of the Fundamental Law] and right to seek remedy [Article XXVIII, paragraph (7) of the Fundamental Law].

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The Constitutional Court decided 27 cases beginning in January until 12 February, 2016. Only five of them were made by the full Court. Most of the cases were complaints by citizens against either a body of law, or a regular court’s decision, in 4 cases a regular judge appealed. In only 3 decisions did the CC find a body of law or a regular court’s decision unconstitutional (in 2 of these cases a regular judge applied). In one decision the CC found the new rules of lump sum damage award for unlawful dismissal in the Act on Government Officials of 2010. The amendment decreased the upper boundary of damages and ordered the court to apply the new rules in all the proceedings under way. According to the CC this rule is retrospective and unconstitutional (ex post facto law), because it is against the rule of law. The CC found a resolution for the unity of law accepted by the Hungarian supreme court (Kúria) unconstitutional for the same reason: the resolution ruled on the application of certain rules on taxes: (VAT, personal income tax and healthcare contribution). The interpretation of the Kúria was to apply this in proceedings under way – also in criminal cases. The CC found it unconstitutional in this latter relation. The CC decided cases concerning discrimination. One of them was about gender equality: the application of different entrance rules in a pub for women (free) and men (for a 1000 Ft drink coupon). A man brought a case against this practice in front of the Authority for Equal Treatment, which ruled the practice in question discriminative against men. The pub turned to the court, unsuccessfully, and then – appealing against the court’s decision – to the CC. The CC found the regular court’s decision (and therefore the Authority’s decision) in accordance with the constitution.

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The Constitutional Court decided 27 cases beginning in January until 12 February, 2016. Only five of them were made by the full Court. Most of the cases were complaints by citizens against either a body of law, or a regular court’s decision, in 4 cases a regular judge appealed. In only 3 decisions did the CC find a body of law or a regular court’s decision unconstitutional (in 2 of these cases a regular judge applied). In one decision the CC found the new rules of lump sum damage award for unlawful dismissal in the Act on Government Officials of 2010. The amendment decreased the upper boundary of damages and ordered the court to apply the new rules in all the proceedings under way. According to the CC this rule is retrospective and unconstitutional (ex post facto law), because it is against the rule of law. The CC found a resolution for the unity of law accepted by the Hungarian supreme court (Kúria) unconstitutional for the same reason: the resolution ruled on the application of certain rules on taxes: (VAT, personal income tax and healthcare contribution). The interpretation of the Kúria was to apply this in proceedings under way – also in criminal cases. The CC found it unconstitutional in this latter relation. The CC decided cases concerning discrimination. One of them was about gender equality: the application of different entrance rules in a pub for women (free) and men (for a 1000 Ft drink coupon). A man brought a case against this practice in front of the Authority for Equal Treatment, which ruled the practice in question discriminative against men. The pub turned to the court, unsuccessfully, and then – appealing against the court’s decision – to the CC. The CC found the regular court’s decision (and therefore the Authority’s decision) in accordance with the constitution.

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Amid the many refugee cases the Court of Justice has been dealing with in recent years, there appeared an odd one, grabbing even the media’s attention. Contrary to the traditional refugee cases, which originate in the persecution of individuals mostly on grounds of their nationality, ethnicity or religion in well-known conflict areas of the World, this one concerned the asylum application of an Iraqi war veteran, a US Army helicopter mechanic.

Convinced that the Apache fighter helicopters of his unit had participated in the killing of unarmed Iraqi civilians and, hence, in the perpetration of war crimes, he refused to obey a new order to return to the Arab country, left his unit based in Germany and applied for asylum with the German authorities. He based his application on a provision of the European Directive on refugee status (2004/83/EC), which provides protection not only to persecuted civilians but also to soldiers, who refuse to perform military service in a conflict, where performing such service would include crimes.
The Court found that the helicopter mechanic qualified as a soldier within the meaning of the Directive, and that his indirect implication in the perpetration of war crimes by his unit’s helicopters might suffice for him to seek protection.
However, the Court set out that an armed intervention engaged upon on the basis of a UN resolution guarantees, in principle, that no war crimes will be committed. Likewise, the existence, in the legal system of the States participating in such interventions, of legislation penalising war crimes and of courts which ensure the effective punishment of their perpetrators, is liable to render implausible the hypothesis that a soldier of these States could commit such crimes.

In addition, the fact that the helicopter mechanic enlisted voluntarily in the US Army at a time when it was already involved in the conflict in Iraq and that he also re-enlisted after his first tour in Iraq, seriously calls in question whether his desertion was for him the only way to seek remedy, as required by the Court, to avoid participating in war crimes.

Finally, the Court held that the sanctions (a prison sentence or discharge from the army) the helicopter mechanic faces in the US do not amount to acts of persecution for the purpose of the directive.

" ["hu_HU"]=> string(2363) "

Amid the many refugee cases the Court of Justice has been dealing with in recent years, there appeared an odd one, grabbing even the media’s attention. Contrary to the traditional refugee cases, which originate in the persecution of individuals mostly on grounds of their nationality, ethnicity or religion in well-known conflict areas of the World, this one concerned the asylum application of an Iraqi war veteran, a US Army helicopter mechanic.

Convinced that the Apache fighter helicopters of his unit had participated in the killing of unarmed Iraqi civilians and, hence, in the perpetration of war crimes, he refused to obey a new order to return to the Arab country, left his unit based in Germany and applied for asylum with the German authorities. He based his application on a provision of the European Directive on refugee status (2004/83/EC), which provides protection not only to persecuted civilians but also to soldiers, who refuse to perform military service in a conflict, where performing such service would include crimes.
The Court found that the helicopter mechanic qualified as a soldier within the meaning of the Directive, and that his indirect implication in the perpetration of war crimes by his unit’s helicopters might suffice for him to seek protection.
However, the Court set out that an armed intervention engaged upon on the basis of a UN resolution guarantees, in principle, that no war crimes will be committed. Likewise, the existence, in the legal system of the States participating in such interventions, of legislation penalising war crimes and of courts which ensure the effective punishment of their perpetrators, is liable to render implausible the hypothesis that a soldier of these States could commit such crimes.

In addition, the fact that the helicopter mechanic enlisted voluntarily in the US Army at a time when it was already involved in the conflict in Iraq and that he also re-enlisted after his first tour in Iraq, seriously calls in question whether his desertion was for him the only way to seek remedy, as required by the Court, to avoid participating in war crimes.

Finally, the Court held that the sanctions (a prison sentence or discharge from the army) the helicopter mechanic faces in the US do not amount to acts of persecution for the purpose of the directive.

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In the recent period, several judgments adopted by the European Court of Human Rights in respect to Hungary bore significance beyond the context of the particular case at issue. Notably, the Court delivered a Chamber judgment which is important in that it applied – but also tempered, eventually arriving at a different conclusion – the principles laid down in a recent Grand Chamber judgment concerning the Internet service providers’ liability for user-generated comments. Important issues were also raised by other cases concerning, respectively, secret intelligence gathering by the Anti-Terrorism Task Force, the suspension of pension disbursement during civil-service employment, and the power of the President of the National Judicial Office to reassign cases to courts other than the territorially competent ones. The Court also examined the 2002 blockade of the Erzsébet bridge in Budapest, a restriction on attending religious ceremonies during house arrest, as well as the right to a court when the claim falls within the ambit of ecclesiastical law.

As regards important cases against other countries, they concerned, as a matter of example, a refinement of the principles applicable whenever a criminal conviction is based on a witness statement which could not be directly examined by the trial court, as well as secret surveillance measures, allegedly forced labour required from prisoners of pensionable age and implications of the right to free elections for parties representing national minorities.

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In the recent period, several judgments adopted by the European Court of Human Rights in respect to Hungary bore significance beyond the context of the particular case at issue. Notably, the Court delivered a Chamber judgment which is important in that it applied – but also tempered, eventually arriving at a different conclusion – the principles laid down in a recent Grand Chamber judgment concerning the Internet service providers’ liability for user-generated comments. Important issues were also raised by other cases concerning, respectively, secret intelligence gathering by the Anti-Terrorism Task Force, the suspension of pension disbursement during civil-service employment, and the power of the President of the National Judicial Office to reassign cases to courts other than the territorially competent ones. The Court also examined the 2002 blockade of the Erzsébet bridge in Budapest, a restriction on attending religious ceremonies during house arrest, as well as the right to a court when the claim falls within the ambit of ecclesiastical law.

As regards important cases against other countries, they concerned, as a matter of example, a refinement of the principles applicable whenever a criminal conviction is based on a witness statement which could not be directly examined by the trial court, as well as secret surveillance measures, allegedly forced labour required from prisoners of pensionable age and implications of the right to free elections for parties representing national minorities.

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