Archive
Ethiopia is a country of a cultural and linguistic mosaic. Paradoxically, the political and bureaucratic system of the country has failed to accommodate the ethnolinguistic and religious diversity of the society. The Ethiopian monarchical system and the military dictatorial government have had pursued a policy of national unity and territorial integrity of the state often at the expense of ethno-linguistic and religious diversity. In effect, the different ethnic and religious groups had suffered from domination and injustice. This has led to the birth of ethno-nationalist movements taking arms against the strong central government demanding selfadministration. In 1991 the ethno-nationalist forces led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have won the battle against the military government which led to the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. However, since its inception, there has been a widespread disagreement among Ethiopian political groups, scholars and even the public at large about the origin, structure and function of the federal system and its constitution. This particular paper aims at critically analysing the risks associated with the Ethiopian federal system in light of Ronald Watts’s six principles of federalism: disposition to democratic procedures; non-centralization as a principle; checks and balances to limit the concentration of political power; open political bargaining for making collective decisions; genuine group power-sharing within central institutions, often consociational and respect for constitutionalism and the rule of law while using literature and document analysis as data collection procedure and research methodology. In effect, secondary data sources have been reviewed including various types of relevant books, journal articles, government and non-governmental reports, government implementation plans and progress reports and lastly they have been carefully scrutinized and analysed to secure their reliability, suitability and adequacy. Finally, even though the aforementioned principles are embedded in the Constitution, the paper has found out that the government has practically failed to implement them. Consequently, the federal system in Ethiopia is mainly regulated by the policies of the ruling party rather than by the merits of the Constitution. In effect, the country is facing a multifaceted crisis and the federal system and its constitution are under imminent threats. In the end, the paper recommends that under the present scenario, the situation necessitates the government to carry out a deep structural and system reform focusing on the political and economic imbalances that are observable in the coalition ruling party and among the different ethnic groups in the country. Furthermore, since there is a widespread disagreement about the origin and development of the federal system and its constitution among different groups in and outside the country, holding a national reconciliation and political referendum on the federal system and its constitution is fundamental to fix ethnic driven conflicts and political instability in the country.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(3174) "Ethiopia is a country of a cultural and linguistic mosaic. Paradoxically, the political and bureaucratic system of the country has failed to accommodate the ethnolinguistic and religious diversity of the society. The Ethiopian monarchical system and the military dictatorial government have had pursued a policy of national unity and territorial integrity of the state often at the expense of ethno-linguistic and religious diversity. In effect, the different ethnic and religious groups had suffered from domination and injustice. This has led to the birth of ethno-nationalist movements taking arms against the strong central government demanding selfadministration. In 1991 the ethno-nationalist forces led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have won the battle against the military government which led to the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. However, since its inception, there has been a widespread disagreement among Ethiopian political groups, scholars and even the public at large about the origin, structure and function of the federal system and its constitution. This particular paper aims at critically analysing the risks associated with the Ethiopian federal system in light of Ronald Watts’s six principles of federalism: disposition to democratic procedures; non-centralization as a principle; checks and balances to limit the concentration of political power; open political bargaining for making collective decisions; genuine group power-sharing within central institutions, often consociational and respect for constitutionalism and the rule of law while using literature and document analysis as data collection procedure and research methodology. In effect, secondary data sources have been reviewed including various types of relevant books, journal articles, government and non-governmental reports, government implementation plans and progress reports and lastly they have been carefully scrutinized and analysed to secure their reliability, suitability and adequacy. Finally, even though the aforementioned principles are embedded in the Constitution, the paper has found out that the government has practically failed to implement them. Consequently, the federal system in Ethiopia is mainly regulated by the policies of the ruling party rather than by the merits of the Constitution. In effect, the country is facing a multifaceted crisis and the federal system and its constitution are under imminent threats. In the end, the paper recommends that under the present scenario, the situation necessitates the government to carry out a deep structural and system reform focusing on the political and economic imbalances that are observable in the coalition ruling party and among the different ethnic groups in the country. Furthermore, since there is a widespread disagreement about the origin and development of the federal system and its constitution among different groups in and outside the country, holding a national reconciliation and political referendum on the federal system and its constitution is fundamental to fix ethnic driven conflicts and political instability in the country.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(39) "Is the Ethiopian Federalism in Trouble?" ["hu_HU"]=> string(39) "Is the Ethiopian Federalism in Trouble?" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#732 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1169) ["email"]=> string(20) "takeb21983@gmail.com" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1144) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Bekele" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Bekele" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(11) "Takele Bayu" ["hu_HU"]=> string(11) "Takele Bayu" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(12) "consociation" [1]=> string(9) "democracy" [2]=> string(20) "political bargaining" [3]=> string(17) "constitutionalism" [4]=> string(18) "non-centralization" } ["en_US"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(12) "consociation" [1]=> string(9) "democracy" [2]=> string(20) "political bargaining" [3]=> string(17) "constitutionalism" [4]=> string(18) "non-centralization" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#745 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4610) ["id"]=> int(351) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1144) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }The Trump Administration and U.S.–Russian Relations
President Trump’s controversial foreign policy performance, particularly in relation to Russia, raises the question of his administration’s stance towards U.S.–Russian relations. While the President has displayed initial intentions of reaching out to Moscow, his administration’s overall view of the world sets U.S.–Russian relations in a competition-based framework. This “global arena” perspective is reflected in official national security policy documents and by major foreign policy decisionmakers as well. Thus the Trump Administration not only maintains its predecessor’s initiatives countering Russia but enhances them by further emphasizing deterrence and containment measures in Europe through an increased European Deterrence Initiative (EDI) budget, addressing Russian violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, and arming Ukraine with lethal defensive weapons.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(918) "President Trump’s controversial foreign policy performance, particularly in relation to Russia, raises the question of his administration’s stance towards U.S.–Russian relations. While the President has displayed initial intentions of reaching out to Moscow, his administration’s overall view of the world sets U.S.–Russian relations in a competition-based framework. This “global arena” perspective is reflected in official national security policy documents and by major foreign policy decisionmakers as well. Thus the Trump Administration not only maintains its predecessor’s initiatives countering Russia but enhances them by further emphasizing deterrence and containment measures in Europe through an increased European Deterrence Initiative (EDI) budget, addressing Russian violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, and arming Ukraine with lethal defensive weapons.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(53) "The Trump Administration and U.S.–Russian Relations" ["hu_HU"]=> string(53) "The Trump Administration and U.S.–Russian Relations" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#718 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1170) ["email"]=> string(26) "csizmazia.gabor@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1146) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4907-2414" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(9) "Csizmazia" ["hu_HU"]=> string(9) "Csizmazia" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Gábor" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Gábor" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(7) { [0]=> string(5) "Trump" [1]=> string(13) "United States" [2]=> string(6) "Russia" [3]=> string(11) "great power" [4]=> string(11) "competition" [5]=> string(6) "Europe" [6]=> string(10) "deterrence" } ["en_US"]=> array(7) { [0]=> string(5) "Trump" [1]=> string(13) "United States" [2]=> string(6) "Russia" [3]=> string(11) "great power" [4]=> string(11) "competition" [5]=> string(6) "Europe" [6]=> string(10) "deterrence" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#761 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4612) ["id"]=> int(352) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1146) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace (Part 1)
Due to the heightened political sensitivity caused by the recently held U.S. midterm elections and the frenzied media concentration on the 2016 election meddling, hacking and leaks have been in the focus of public discussions ever since. In order to better comprehend the appraisal of the U.S. political leadership back in 2016 and early in 2017, this article contextualizes the events and the response measures in the wider cybersecurity position of the U.S. Tracking down the development of the U.S. political and military approach to cyber threats, we came to the conclusion that the U.S. is lacking a working cybersecurity policy largely because its perception of cyber threats is self-centred and still deeply rooted in the strategic thinking of nuclear or traditional military attacks. Even if the same strategic principles are valid in cyberspace, cyberattacks, single, systemic or part of a broader influence operation, they play out according to a set of completely different dynamics than kinetic attacks. The true strategic lesson of the recent election meddling is that Russia has been, and most probably will be, able to seize the momentum and masterfully exploit those inherent deficiencies. Consequently, cyberspace as a strategic environment necessitates the careful analysis of the strategic thinking of the potential adverse nation.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(1357) "Due to the heightened political sensitivity caused by the recently held U.S. midterm elections and the frenzied media concentration on the 2016 election meddling, hacking and leaks have been in the focus of public discussions ever since. In order to better comprehend the appraisal of the U.S. political leadership back in 2016 and early in 2017, this article contextualizes the events and the response measures in the wider cybersecurity position of the U.S. Tracking down the development of the U.S. political and military approach to cyber threats, we came to the conclusion that the U.S. is lacking a working cybersecurity policy largely because its perception of cyber threats is self-centred and still deeply rooted in the strategic thinking of nuclear or traditional military attacks. Even if the same strategic principles are valid in cyberspace, cyberattacks, single, systemic or part of a broader influence operation, they play out according to a set of completely different dynamics than kinetic attacks. The true strategic lesson of the recent election meddling is that Russia has been, and most probably will be, able to seize the momentum and masterfully exploit those inherent deficiencies. Consequently, cyberspace as a strategic environment necessitates the careful analysis of the strategic thinking of the potential adverse nation.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) "(Part 1)" ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) "(Part 1)" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(113) "The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace" ["hu_HU"]=> string(113) "The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#115 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1171) ["email"]=> string(21) "Devai.Dora@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1147) ["seq"]=> int(2) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1024-4474" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Dévai" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Dévai" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Dóra" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Dóra" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(25) "U.S. cybersecurity policy" [1]=> string(17) "strategic culture" [2]=> string(20) "influence operations" [3]=> string(16) "cyber deterrence" } ["en_US"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(25) "U.S. cybersecurity policy" [1]=> string(17) "strategic culture" [2]=> string(20) "influence operations" [3]=> string(16) "cyber deterrence" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#740 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4615) ["id"]=> int(354) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1147) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace (Part 2)
Given the technical, societal and international nature of cyberspace, national cybersecurity strategy formation demands a hybrid approach of homeland security and the more traditional national security processes. Moreover, as the series of the latest publicly known cyber incidents against the U.S.—the 2014 OMB espionage, the 2015 attack against Sony Pictures, the 2016 DNY attack or the Russian election hack and leaks—show, the dilemma of a proportionate response is a thorny technical, political and strategic task, while the need for a strategic level response is ever growing. Based on the analytical framework elaborated in the first part of this study series, the second part gives a strategic insight into the major determinants of the national response policy options to substantial cyberattacks against the U.S. The article also discusses wider strategic features pertaining to cyberspace, including strategic value of cyber weapons, threat perception, and national strategy cultures, which fundamentally impact cybersecurity and strategy formation.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(1073) "Given the technical, societal and international nature of cyberspace, national cybersecurity strategy formation demands a hybrid approach of homeland security and the more traditional national security processes. Moreover, as the series of the latest publicly known cyber incidents against the U.S.—the 2014 OMB espionage, the 2015 attack against Sony Pictures, the 2016 DNY attack or the Russian election hack and leaks—show, the dilemma of a proportionate response is a thorny technical, political and strategic task, while the need for a strategic level response is ever growing. Based on the analytical framework elaborated in the first part of this study series, the second part gives a strategic insight into the major determinants of the national response policy options to substantial cyberattacks against the U.S. The article also discusses wider strategic features pertaining to cyberspace, including strategic value of cyber weapons, threat perception, and national strategy cultures, which fundamentally impact cybersecurity and strategy formation.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) "(Part 2)" ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) "(Part 2)" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(113) "The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace" ["hu_HU"]=> string(113) "The U.S. Response to the 2016 Russian Election Meddling and the Evolving National Strategic Thought in Cyberspace" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#762 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1173) ["email"]=> string(21) "Devai.Dora@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1149) ["seq"]=> int(3) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1024-4474" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Dévai" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Dévai" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Dóra" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Dóra" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(25) "U.S. cybersecurity policy" [1]=> string(17) "strategic culture" [2]=> string(20) "influence operations" [3]=> string(16) "cyber deterrence" } ["en_US"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(25) "U.S. cybersecurity policy" [1]=> string(17) "strategic culture" [2]=> string(20) "influence operations" [3]=> string(16) "cyber deterrence" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#746 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4620) ["id"]=> int(356) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1149) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }No Peace No War: The Ethiopian–Eritrean Conflict
The aim of this article is designed to provide an overview of the historical relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea from pre-colonial times up until the break-out, the major causes of the war, as well as its course and to analyze the situation after the cease-fire including the failed UN peacekeeping and later the proxy war in Somalia. The paper is a desk study, mainly based on secondary data analysis of the available secondary information and documentary examinations; news materials, academic literature, books, and online articles were used. By giving insight into the history, the course war and dynamics of conflictual relations and the frozen war between these two states will help to understand the security dynamics of the region.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(749) "The aim of this article is designed to provide an overview of the historical relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea from pre-colonial times up until the break-out, the major causes of the war, as well as its course and to analyze the situation after the cease-fire including the failed UN peacekeeping and later the proxy war in Somalia. The paper is a desk study, mainly based on secondary data analysis of the available secondary information and documentary examinations; news materials, academic literature, books, and online articles were used. By giving insight into the history, the course war and dynamics of conflictual relations and the frozen war between these two states will help to understand the security dynamics of the region.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["prefix"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(50) "No Peace No War: The Ethiopian–Eritrean Conflict" ["hu_HU"]=> string(50) "No Peace No War: The Ethiopian–Eritrean Conflict" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#764 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1179) ["email"]=> string(32) "Sigatu.Kaleab.Tadesse@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1150) ["seq"]=> int(4) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(0) "" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Kaleab" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Kaleab" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(14) "Sigatu Tadesse" ["hu_HU"]=> string(14) "Sigatu Tadesse" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(16) "conventional war" [1]=> string(8) "Ethiopia" [2]=> string(7) "Eritrea" [3]=> string(9) "proxy war" } ["en_US"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(16) "conventional war" [1]=> string(8) "Ethiopia" [2]=> string(7) "Eritrea" [3]=> string(9) "proxy war" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#767 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4623) ["id"]=> int(358) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1150) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }Public Sector Innovation in Europe
In the recent decades there is a growing interest in how public and private organisations can develop abilities to innovate in order to cope with the challenges created by the changing priorities of the political market, the intensification of global competition and the higher speed of the technological changes. The ability of organisations to mobilize their internal resources into efficient and dynamic routines depends on intangible resources (e.g. creativity) and less on such traditional tangible factors as physical or financial sources. The core aim of the paper is to identify and compare the creative/learning capabilities of the workplaces in the EU–27 countries. The data of the European Working Conditions Surveys (2005, 2010 and 2015) shows that public administration boosts creative workplaces in all countries. The increasing rate of creative jobs may speed up the implementation of the “High-Engagement Civil Services”.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(962) "In the recent decades there is a growing interest in how public and private organisations can develop abilities to innovate in order to cope with the challenges created by the changing priorities of the political market, the intensification of global competition and the higher speed of the technological changes. The ability of organisations to mobilize their internal resources into efficient and dynamic routines depends on intangible resources (e.g. creativity) and less on such traditional tangible factors as physical or financial sources. The core aim of the paper is to identify and compare the creative/learning capabilities of the workplaces in the EU–27 countries. The data of the European Working Conditions Surveys (2005, 2010 and 2015) shows that public administration boosts creative workplaces in all countries. The increasing rate of creative jobs may speed up the implementation of the “High-Engagement Civil Services”.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(34) "Public Sector Innovation in Europe" ["hu_HU"]=> string(34) "Public Sector Innovation in Europe" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(3) { [0]=> object(Author)#777 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1180) ["email"]=> string(20) "mako.csaba@tk.mta.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1151) ["seq"]=> int(5) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2597-3103" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Makó" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Makó" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Csaba" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Csaba" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } [1]=> object(Author)#778 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1181) ["email"]=> string(24) "illessy.miklos@tk.mta.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1151) ["seq"]=> int(5) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0241-0287" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(9) " Illéssy" ["hu_HU"]=> string(9) " Illéssy" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Miklós" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "Miklós" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } [2]=> object(Author)#766 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1182) ["email"]=> string(28) "andras.borbely1989@gmail.com" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1151) ["seq"]=> int(5) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9853-577X" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) "Borbély" ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) "Borbély" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "András" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "András" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(10) "innovation" [1]=> string(21) "private/public sector" [2]=> string(17) "work organisation" [3]=> string(10) "creativity" [4]=> string(15) "country cluster" } ["en_US"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(10) "innovation" [1]=> string(21) "private/public sector" [2]=> string(17) "work organisation" [3]=> string(10) "creativity" [4]=> string(15) "country cluster" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#771 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4626) ["id"]=> int(359) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1151) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }Essential Requirements for Hungarian Police Measures
The general police measure related to the expectations I have gathered for the Hungarian policing measures is clearly recognisable by everyone. This can be said by the realisation of the criteria that the police measure was in order, achieved its purpose and met the requirements. I approached this topic from a legal and ethical point of view and I make a written proposal.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(381) "The general police measure related to the expectations I have gathered for the Hungarian policing measures is clearly recognisable by everyone. This can be said by the realisation of the criteria that the police measure was in order, achieved its purpose and met the requirements. I approached this topic from a legal and ethical point of view and I make a written proposal.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["prefix"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(52) "Essential Requirements for Hungarian Police Measures" ["hu_HU"]=> string(52) "Essential Requirements for Hungarian Police Measures" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#776 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1190) ["email"]=> string(21) "dr.pokrocos@gmail.com" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1152) ["seq"]=> int(6) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9831-7422" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(9) "Pokrócos" ["hu_HU"]=> string(9) "Pokrócos" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "György" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "György" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(2) { [0]=> string(25) "Hungarian police measures" [1]=> string(14) "lawful measure" } ["en_US"]=> array(2) { [0]=> string(25) "Hungarian police measures" [1]=> string(14) "lawful measure" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#780 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4636) ["id"]=> int(364) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1152) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }The Palestinian administrative system is distinctive, relative to either the historical context or the political environment. The former is characterized by the absence of a national power, while the latter is perpetually unstable. The state-building process in Palestine has followed an inverse path, in that staffing preceded the drafting of structures, while goals and job descriptions have been pre-empted by seemingly random political appointments. This study focuses on the history of this public administration, its main characteristics, and the system’s efficiency. The methodology is descriptive. The paper demonstrates that, in spite of obstacles such as the restrictions of the occupation and the shortage of resources, the Palestinian administrative system is progressing. This progress was most obvious during the last years because of good governance practices, especially the reduction of expenditures and the improvements in public services. The Palestinian administrative system still suffers from problems like over-staffing, poor institutional coordination and inadequate attention to the agriculture and industry sectors, which limit progress and increases the public debt.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(1202) "The Palestinian administrative system is distinctive, relative to either the historical context or the political environment. The former is characterized by the absence of a national power, while the latter is perpetually unstable. The state-building process in Palestine has followed an inverse path, in that staffing preceded the drafting of structures, while goals and job descriptions have been pre-empted by seemingly random political appointments. This study focuses on the history of this public administration, its main characteristics, and the system’s efficiency. The methodology is descriptive. The paper demonstrates that, in spite of obstacles such as the restrictions of the occupation and the shortage of resources, the Palestinian administrative system is progressing. This progress was most obvious during the last years because of good governance practices, especially the reduction of expenditures and the improvements in public services. The Palestinian administrative system still suffers from problems like over-staffing, poor institutional coordination and inadequate attention to the agriculture and industry sectors, which limit progress and increases the public debt.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(34) "Public Administration in Palestine" ["hu_HU"]=> string(34) "Public Administration in Palestine" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#787 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1193) ["email"]=> string(18) "Saqersul@yahoo.com" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1161) ["seq"]=> int(7) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4866-7694" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) "Sulaiman" ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) "Sulaiman" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Saqer" ["hu_HU"]=> string(5) "Saqer" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(10) "efficiency" [1]=> string(21) "administrative system" [2]=> string(11) "performance" [3]=> string(21) "public administration" } ["en_US"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(10) "efficiency" [1]=> string(21) "administrative system" [2]=> string(11) "performance" [3]=> string(21) "public administration" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#779 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4644) ["id"]=> int(368) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1161) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }Thoughts on Certain Aspects of the Brexit and its Management
This article examines certain aspects related to Brexit and its management—both from the side of the UK and the EU. We search for the answer to such questions, whether the Brexit is a crisis, and if so, then what certain effects can it have on the economy, society, everyday life, etc. of those involved, and if these effects were and are handled properly by those in charge. In addition, we review the timeline of Brexit, including the planned dates and events. The institutional background of the crisis management will also be examined in case of both parties.
" ["hu_HU"]=> string(572) "This article examines certain aspects related to Brexit and its management—both from the side of the UK and the EU. We search for the answer to such questions, whether the Brexit is a crisis, and if so, then what certain effects can it have on the economy, society, everyday life, etc. of those involved, and if these effects were and are handled properly by those in charge. In addition, we review the timeline of Brexit, including the planned dates and events. The institutional background of the crisis management will also be examined in case of both parties.
" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["prefix"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(60) "Thoughts on Certain Aspects of the Brexit and its Management" ["hu_HU"]=> string(60) "Thoughts on Certain Aspects of the Brexit and its Management" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#783 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1194) ["email"]=> string(24) "teleki.balint@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1163) ["seq"]=> int(8) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3420-0900" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Teleki" ["hu_HU"]=> string(6) "Teleki" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Bálint" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "Bálint" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(8) { [0]=> string(6) "Brexit" [1]=> string(17) "crisis management" [2]=> string(24) "devolved administrations" [3]=> string(20) "European Commission," [4]=> string(14) "European Union" [5]=> string(25) "financial-economic crisis" [6]=> string(11) "nationalism" [7]=> string(14) "United Kingdom" } ["en_US"]=> array(8) { [0]=> string(6) "Brexit" [1]=> string(17) "crisis management" [2]=> string(24) "devolved administrations" [3]=> string(19) "European Commission" [4]=> string(14) "European Union" [5]=> string(25) "financial-economic crisis" [6]=> string(11) "nationalism" [7]=> string(14) "United Kingdom" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#785 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4648) ["id"]=> int(371) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1163) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }Specific Apparatus of Vatican Diplomacy – Charity Organisations
Throughout of its existence, the Catholic Church has always tried to protect the most vulnerable members of society. This is proven by the fact that even the earliest Church documents show how the new church tried to alleviate some acute social problems. The religious and secular legal regulations which govern the operations of Catholic charity organisations and the whole institutional structure of these bodies were created by a long historical process which led to the birth of the current web of multiple different Catholic charities. Furthermore, these institutions are not merely NGOs or humanitarian relief agencies. Instead their activities are based upon the activities of the Founder, Jesus of Nazareth, and upon the spirit of the Gospels. Catholic charitable actions are mainly motivated by theological concepts and the social teaching of the Church even if these activities are executed by formal institutions. The current Pope expects a more active participation of national and international Catholic charities in multiple areas like looking after the poor and the refugees and in the struggle for universal peace. International cooperation, partly because of the universal nature of the Church, is not an unknown concept for the Catholic Church. Therefore, its charities are willing to work with every national and international institution, including secular governments, which work to make life on Earth more bearable for mankind. Since many contemporary humanitarian catastrophes take place in war zones, Catholic charities must find acceptable ways of cooperation with the various armed forces operating in these territories. This paper demonstrates the legal framework governing the work of Caritas Internationalis, which is the official charity service of the Holy See and which also acts as an umbrella organization for the more than 160 national Catholic Caritas bodies. In this article I will only mention these national Caritas institutions and any other international NGOs if this is necessary for the better understanding of either the international nature or the international activities of Caritas Internationalis.
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" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" ["hu_HU"]=> string(59) "AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military Science" } ["title"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(65) "Specific Apparatus of Vatican Diplomacy – Charity Organisations" ["hu_HU"]=> string(65) "Specific Apparatus of Vatican Diplomacy – Charity Organisations" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#781 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(1195) ["email"]=> string(24) "ujhazi.lorand@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(1166) ["seq"]=> int(9) ["userGroupId"]=> int(82) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1630-8208" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["biography"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Ujházi" ["hu_HU"]=> string(7) "Ujházi" } ["givenName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(8) "Lóránd" ["hu_HU"]=> string(8) "Lóránd" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(2) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" ["hu_HU"]=> string(0) "" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(2) { ["hu_HU"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(16) "Catholic Caritas" [1]=> string(15) "Catholic Church" [2]=> string(9) "Canon Law" [3]=> string(28) "Civil–Military Cooperation" } ["en_US"]=> array(4) { [0]=> string(16) "Catholic Caritas" [1]=> string(15) "Catholic Church" [2]=> string(9) "Canon Law" [3]=> string(28) "Civil–Military Cooperation" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#793 (7) { ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(4650) ["id"]=> int(372) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(1166) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }