AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms <p>As the name of the journal shows, its goal is to publish research results, peer-reviewed studies of high standard in English in the field of military science and military technology. Recent changes in the structure of the university have called for the renewal of the publication, allowing for publishing scientific results in other disciplines such as public administration as well as law enforcement.</p> Ludovika University Press en-US AARMS – Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 2498-5392 <p>The copyright to this article is transferred to the University of Public Service Budapest, Hungary (for U.S. government employees: to the extent transferable) effective if and when the article is accepted for publication. The copyright transfer covers the exclusive right to reproduce and distribute the article, including reprints, translations, photographic reproductions, microform, electronic form (offline, online) or any other reproductions of similar nature.</p> <p>The author warrants that this contribution is original and that he/she has full power to make this grant. The author signs for and accepts responsibility for releasing this material on behalf of any and all co-authors.</p> <p>An author may make an article published by University of Public Service available on a personal home page provided the source of the published article is cited and University of Public Service is mentioned as copyright holder</p> The Borderline between Private and Public Security https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5944 <p>A few years ago, a White Paper was published by the Confederation of European Security Services (CoESS) with the collaboration of the Institut National des Hautes Études de Sécurité (INHES) on the security market of the European Union. The authors identified several reasons why public and private security providers in the member states share the market and why they are bound to cooperate for the public good, that is, the security itself. However, the states’ law enforcement capacities cannot cover all security demands of the public due to the finite (mainly budgetary) resources that always set capacity limits hence congestions in the assignments of police services occur from time to time. Private security operatives fill into the supply gaps occurring in a fragmented security landscape in Europe. Due to the variables in the market share, countries made their patterns in public and private security components, the statutory frameworks, and the traditions concerning the role played by the commercial security sector in overall security provisions. Here a typology may be formed from the clusters of countries following alternative approaches, respectively. There is a border zone between the two sectors. The exclusive public security domain gives way to areas of common interest and moves on to where private security takes precedence, and public actors only play a supervisory role. This article examines the boundary zone in multiple approaches, attempting to stipulate the red line between the two security elements. </p> Csaba Zágon Lippai Zsolt Copyright (c) 2022 ZÁGON Csaba, LIPPAI Zsolt https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 5 19 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.1 Climate Adaptation in Terms of Water Security in the Danube Countries https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5858 <p>In my article, I examine the characteristics of the Danube countries’ adaptation to climate change in terms of water security. Among the international strategic documents, I examine the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD, 2000), the Danube River Protection Convention, and the EU Strategy for the Danube Region (EUSDR, 2019). It is a European ambition to create adequate levels of drinking water, outdoor bathing water, and aquatic ecosystem security in EU member states by the end of 2027. Therefore, in my article I examine water safety, not only in terms of drinking water supply security, but also in terms of aquatic ecosystem security for the Danube countries. Based on the examples of recent years in Hungary, I present the damage events caused by high rainfall intensity fluctuations, which occurred from both excess and scarcity of water. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that, as Hungary is a downstream country, upstream interventions can cause more sudden flooding and subsidence in our area on the Danube. </p> Kirovné Rácz Réka Magdolna Copyright (c) 2022 KIROVNÉ RÁCZ Réka Magdolna https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 21 36 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.2 Putin and Erdoğan – A “Beautiful Friendship” of Illiberal Presidents https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5841 <p>Putin and Erdoğan’s “beautiful friendship” has been defining Russian–Turkish political, diplomatic and economic relations on the one hand, and the handling of many conflicts, including the Syrian civil war, for nearly two decades on the other. It can be said that in many cases, when the interests of the Russian and Turkish states clash with each other or there are conflicts of principle and values, it is the two presidents who, because of their similar habitus and political character, find solutions to the problems. One thing is for sure: without the personalities of Erdoğan and Putin, the recent history of the two nations would not be so diverse and full of twists and turns. This article would like to give an analytical journey into the common history of the Turkish and Russian nations, as well as to the souls of the two politicians to look at the reasons and motivations behind the often contradictory political moves. As relatively little work has been done on the topic in Turkish, but more in English, the study is based on scientific papers and Internet publications written in the latter language. It aims at disclosing the role of the two regional powers in a global framework. </p> Türkmen Şeref Copyright (c) 2022 TÜRKMEN Şeref https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 37 48 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.3 Understanding Contemporary Populism Through the Latin American Experience https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5812 <div>This paper discusses how the Latin American experience can help us understand contemporary populism and its management. This topic starts from the assumption that structural change and social contexts help us explain the evolution of populism in the same way they helped explain the evolution of violence and management. To do so, we look at the state of the literature on populism, its relation to the Latin American experience, the evolution of the approach to populism, and the conclusions we can draw from these different perspectives. We conclude that contemporary populism is also limited in the same way the contextual approach to Latin American populism was limited. This also helps us understand why we still do not have a shared definition of populism. Overall, we lack the balance between generalisable and local definitions to help leaders manage the contemporary violence of populism. </div> <div id="accel-snackbar" style="left: 50%; transform: translate(-50%, 0px); top: 50px;"> </div> Cossu Elena Copyright (c) 2022 COSSU Elena https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 49 63 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.4 Comparing the U.S.–Colombia Partnership to the U.S.–U.K. Special Relationship https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5741 <p>This article characterises the US–Colombia Partnership (USCP) by comparing it to the U.S.–U.K. Special Relationship (USUKSR). For this purpose, both dyads are graded within Lake’s typology of international hierarchies. Then Xu’s three minimum criteria for SRs – and a fourth criterion derived from Harnisch – are applied to the USCP, with references to the USUKSR. In the security dimension, the USCP could be graded as a weak (soft) protectorate under Plan Colombia, and it might be still today. The USUKSR is seen heading toward a weak protectorate due to Britain’s even closer post-Brexit alignment to the U.S. (by launching an Indo-Pacific tilt, clinching the AUKUS pact, and helping to broker a broader anti-China coalition, while remaining the staunchest NATO ally). In the economic dimension, the USUKSR until recently could be rated as market exchange, but now it has been approaching an economic zone (as Britain is courting America for more trade and investment, while shedding Huawei, shelving a bilateral FTA with China, and seeking CPTPP accession). The USCP classifies as an economic zone, since the U.S. is still Colombia’s largest export market and preferred investor, and Colombia has been very cautious with China (refraining from an FTA, and from joining the BRI). The USCP (by combining a weak protectorate with an economic zone) is rated as an informal empire, while the USUKSR may be close to it. The USCP is unlikely to become an SR, because U.S. substituted Colombian governance functions are focused on domestic security, and the U.S. public does not judge Colombia positively, and is far from regarding it as an ally. The paper ends with a note on the dominant partner.</p> Palotás László Copyright (c) 2022 PALOTÁS László https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 65 80 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.5 Imperial Historicism: An Example of Scientific Justification of Foreign Policy and Warfare in the 19–20th Centuries in Hungary https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5509 <p>The 19th century saw the modern development of nation states and the early development of human sciences. These progresses linked up with the ideologies of nation-building. Some European states having long history and imperial traditions applied the study of their own history to support their national political purposes. The new political ideology was historicism used for imperial purposes, imperial historicism. With the help of imperial historicism, 19th century thinkers and statesmen identifying themselves and their community with the historical forms of their community attempted to build or uphold their empire. Hungary, or at least some Hungarian thinkers and statesmen, was one of those states which used imperial historicism to define their foreign policy and internal political purposes. Examining political thinking of the 19th-century Hungary one can find several forms of imperial historicism and historical self-identification. This paper presents imperial historicism and its Hungarian forms.</p> Boda Mihály Copyright (c) 2022 BODA Mihály https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 81 95 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.6 The Internationalisation of the Conflict in Libya https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5455 <p>Libya has been characterised by instability since the Arab Spring. In 2011, Western powers decided to intervene. In spite of stated goals, this violent dispute has been ongoing ever since. In this paper, we seek to answer the following research question: why do certain internationalised violent disputes, specifically new civil wars, remain violent even when the actors involved seek a cessation of hostilities? We utilise a single-outcome case study6 research design and we compare and contrast the involvement of great powers, European leading powers and regional powers. We highlight the use of soft and/or hard foreign policy tools. We distinguish between policy goals and policy tools. We find that the essential interests and policy goals of the analysed powers will unlikely change, but change in the use of their foreign policy tools will likely be a shift towards harder tools, which will exacerbate further the Libyan stabilisation process. Even a coincidence of the stated policy goals of external actors, namely a cessation of hostilities is insufficient to end a new civil war. As long as the policy tools themselves remain un-coordinated between the actors, they counteract one another, and the conflict continues to remain violent.</p> Molnár Anna Molnár Patrícia Éva Mártonffy Balázs Takács Lili Vecsey Mariann Copyright (c) 2022 MOLNÁR Anna, MOLNÁR Patrícia Éva, MÁRTONFFY Balázs, TAKÁCS Lili, VECSEY Mariann https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 97 132 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.7 Public Administration Reform https://folyoirat.ludovika.hu/index.php/aarms/article/view/5463 <p>The Republic of Kazakhstan is one of the countries of Central Asia which is actively working to improve the apparatus of public administration. The formation of the Republic of Kazakhstan as a sovereign state, the ongoing socio-economic reforms in the country and market relations have necessitated a transition to a new administrative mechanism. The meaning of the new mechanism means eradicating bureaucracy and corruption, increasing the level of people’s trust in the state bodies and provision of quality public services. The Republic of Kazakhstan has made considerable progress in reforming its public administration. The country continues to modernise this process. The primary purpose of the present paper is to review one of the public administration reforms in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Specifically, the article aims to present a reform such as creating the Population Service Centre (PSC) and the e- government project to provide public services to the citizens in the Republic of Kazakhstan and its results. What is more, the paper seeks to introduce the new upcoming reforms in public administration because the country has encountered serious riots in January that consequently requires changes in the system of public administration. Thus, the aims of the complex reformation of public administration which the President of Kazakhstan Kassym Jomart Tokayev has set will be presented in this paper. The approach that has been used in this paper was descriptive and relied on analysing the secondary data, including various journal articles, reports, and national and state programs. </p> Zhansulu Muratova Copyright (c) 2022 ZHANSULU Muratova https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-05-26 2022-05-26 20 3 133 143 10.32565/aarms.2021.3.8