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Generative Artificial Intelligence (GAI) Usage Guidelines for Scholarly Publishing: A Cross-Sectional Study of Medical Journals. BMC Medicine, 23(1). Online: https://doi.org/10.1186/s12916-025-03899-1" ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2025) ["issueId"]=> int(655) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(43) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(6) "3–42" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(19) "10.17646/KOME.of.32" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1149) "

This study examines shifting patterns in global academic knowledge production through the lens of world-systems theory, focusing on the role of generative artificial intelligence (AI) in reshaping epistemic hierarchies. Drawing on longitudinal bibliometric data (1996–2023), it analyses publication volumes, international collaborations and open access trends across core (U.S., U.K.), semi-peripheral and peripheral regions, with special attention to China’s emergence as a leading scientific producer. The paper highlights a growing divergence in AI infrastructure and access: Western scholars increasingly rely on open tools like ChatGPT, while China’s closed ecosystem is governed by distinct political and epistemic norms. These
developments may entrench parallel scientific systems, exacerbating inequalities in visibility, legitimacy and collaboration. As AI becomes a central driver of research
practices, this paper argues for inclusive, interoperable knowledge infrastructures to avoid deepening global academic fragmentation. The findings offer a critical perspective on the geopolitics of knowledge in the digital age.

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Advances in robot design are reshaping human-dominated fields such as journalism. The integration of autonomous, adaptive systems into society increasingly blurs the boundaries between humans and machines. In this evolving landscape, journalism, rooted in human judgment and ethics, now faces unique challenges and opportunities. China, a global leader in robotic innovations, has emerged as a pioneer in robot journalism, further underscoring the importance of understanding human–robot dynamics. Amid these developments, the concept of Artificial Moral Agents has intensified debates about whether machines can possess moral agency, and how they might coexist with humans as collaborators. Central questions arise: How do humans perceive entities that resemble humans but are not alive? Can such artificial beings be ascribed moral agency and integrated into professional domains as colleagues? This study collected data through semi-structured interviews with 15 Chinese students of journalism aspiring to join the profession with an interest in the intersection between technology and journalism. Analysis of their insights yielded six themes: 1. anthropomorphic appearance; 2. human-like cognitive and emotional abilities; 3. the decision-making capacity of robot journalists; 4. robot journalists as incompetent moral agents; 5. erosion of news authenticity and diversity; and 6. whether the future of human–robot collaboration is as partners or rivals. This research highlights the need for philosophers and ethicists to revisit the definition of ‘moral agency’ and to develop frameworks to address the ambiguous moral status of artificial agents. By bridging theoretical discourse with empirical insights, this study contributes to ongoing conversations about the integration of artificial entities into journalism and society.

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Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051231207859 Wunderlich, L., Hölig, S. & Hasebrink, U. (2022). Does Journalism Still Matter? The Role of Journalistic and Non-Journalistic Sources in Young People’s News Related Practices. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 27(3), 569–588. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612211072547 Zozaya-Durazo, L. D., Sádaba-Chalezquer, C. & Feijoo‐Fernández, B. (2024). “Fake or Not, I’m Sharing It”: Teen Perception about Disinformation in Social Networks. Young Consumers, 25(4), 425–438. Online: https://doi.org/10.1108/YC-06-2022-1552" ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2026) ["issueId"]=> int(655) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(43) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(7) "73–94" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(19) "10.17646/KOME.of.36" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(889) "

Social media currently plays a key role for adolescents and young people in accessing information. The integration of these platforms into their media diet leads them to build their own digital architecture to stay informed and to avoid disinformation. Based on academic literature and a survey (n = 1,800), this study analyses the perceptions of Spanish young people and adolescents (aged 14 to 24) regarding various characteristics of social media in relation to information and disinformation. Our findings reveal that daily access to social media is a good predictor regarding propositions related to information, whereas age is generally a slightly better indicator for those related to disinformation. These results provide deeper insight into the components that influence adolescents and young people, helping to better understand how they shape their own media repertoires.

" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(76) "Beatriz Catalina-García, Antonio García-Jiménez, Manuel Montes-Vozmediano" } ["prefix"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(74) "Daily Access and Age of Adolescents and Young People as Predictive Factors" } ["title"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(60) "Perception of Information and Disinformation on Social Media" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(3) { [0]=> object(Author)#823 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(11851) ["email"]=> string(24) "beatriz.catalina@urjc.es" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(9111) ["seq"]=> int(3) ["userGroupId"]=> int(339) ["country"]=> string(2) "ES" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0464-3225" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(27) "Universidad Rey Juan Carlos" } ["biography"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(16) "Catalina-García" } ["givenName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Beatriz" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(24) "Beatriz Catalina-García" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } [1]=> object(Author)#821 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(11852) ["email"]=> string(22) "antonio.garcia@urjc.es" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(9111) ["seq"]=> int(3) ["userGroupId"]=> int(339) ["country"]=> string(2) "ES" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8423-9486" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(27) "Universidad Rey Juan Carlos" } ["biography"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(16) "García-Jiménez" } ["givenName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(7) "Antonio" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(24) "Antonio García-Jiménez" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } [2]=> object(Author)#816 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(11853) ["email"]=> string(27) "manueljavier.montes@urjc.es" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(9111) ["seq"]=> int(3) ["userGroupId"]=> int(339) ["country"]=> string(2) "ES" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6624-8699" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(27) "Universidad Rey Juan Carlos" } ["biography"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(17) "Montes-Vozmediano" } ["givenName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(6) "Manuel" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(24) "Manuel Montes-Vozmediano" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(11) "adolescents" [1]=> string(12) "young people" [2]=> string(12) "social media" [3]=> string(11) "information" [4]=> string(14) "disinformation" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#819 (7) { ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(46350) ["id"]=> int(6779) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(9111) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }

object(Publication)#786 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(28) { ["id"]=> int(8162) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2026-05-20" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2026-05-20 15:10:01" ["primaryContactId"]=> int(10386) ["sectionId"]=> int(133) ["seq"]=> int(4) ["submissionId"]=> int(8038) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["citationsRaw"]=> string(7933) "Al-Ghazzi, O. (2021). We Will Be Great Again: Historical Victimhood in Populist Discourse. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 24(1), 45–59. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1367549420985851 Armaly, M. T. & Enders, A. M. (2022). ‘Why Me?’ The Role of Perceived Victimhood in American Politics. Political Behavior, 44(4), 1583–1609. Online: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09662-x Banet-Weiser, S. (2021). ‘Ruined’ Lives: Mediated White Male Victimhood. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 24(1), 60–80. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1367549420985840 Bucholtz, M. (2015). The Elements of Style. In D. N. Djenar, A. Mahboob & K. Cruickshank (Eds.), Language and Identity across Modes of Communication (pp. 27–60). De Gruyter Mouton. Bucholtz, M. & Hall, K. (2005). Identity and Interaction: A Sociocultural Linguistic Approach. Discourse Studies, 7(4–5), 585–614. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1461445605054407 Cervi, L., Tejedor, S. & Villar, M. G. (2023). Twitting Against the Enemy: Populist Radical Right Parties Discourse Against the (Political) “Other.” Politics and Governance, 11(2). Online: https://doi.org/10.17645/ pag.v11i2.6391 Chouliaraki, L. (2021). Victimhood: The Affective Politics of Vulnerability. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 24(1), 10–27. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1367549420979316 Chouliaraki, L. & Banet-Weiser, S. (2021). Introduction to Special Issue: The Logic of Victimhood. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 24(1), 3–9. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1367549420985846 Crisostomo, S. (2023, September 26). OVP Spent P125 Million Confidential Funds in 11 Days. The Philippine Star. Online: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2023/09/26/2299068/ovp-spent-p125-million-confidential-funds-11-days Curato, N. (2016). Politics of Anxiety, Politics of Hope: Penal Populism and Duterte’s Rise to Power. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 91–109. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500305 Elemia, C. & Wee, S.-L. (2025, February 5). Philippines’ Vice President Sara Duterte Is Impeached, Deepening Political Turmoil. The New York Times. Online: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/05/world/asia/philippines-vice-president-duterte-impeached.html Galvez, D. (2024, July 15). Satur, Castro Convicted for Endangering Lumad Children. The Philippine Star. Online: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2024/07/16/2370510/satur-castro-convictedendangering-lumad-children Hinterleitner, M. & Sager, F. (2017). Anticipatory and Reactive Forms of Blame Avoidance: Of Foxes and Lions. European Political Science Review, 9(4), 587–606. Online: https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755773916000126 Horwitz, R. B. (2018). Politics as Victimhood, Victimhood as Politics. Journal of Policy History, 30(3), 552–574. Online: https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000209 Hronešová, J. B. (2024). The Uses of Victimhood as a Hegemonic Meta-Narrative in Eastern Europe. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 32(2), 442–458. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2022.2110456 Hronešová, J. B. & Kreiss, D. (2024). Strategically Hijacking Victimhood: A Political Communication Strategy in the Discourse of Viktor Orbán and Donald Trump. Perspectives on Politics, 22(3), 717–735. Online: https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592724000239 Hufana, C. M. (2024, November 18). VP Duterte, Senator Tulfo Are Filipinos’ Most Preferred Presidential Candidates in 2028 – Survey. Business World. Online: https://www.bworldonline.com/thenation/2024/11/18/635750/vp-duterte-senator-tulfo-are-filipinos-most-preferred-presidentialcandidates-in-2028-survey/ Iglesias, S. (2022). Violence and Impunity: Democratic Backsliding in the Philippines and the 2022 Elections. Pacific Affairs, 95(3), 575–593. Online: https://doi.org/10.5509/2022953575 Lalu, G. P. (2024, September 18). New House Probe Wants to Tell People “Don’t Vote for Sara in 2028” – VP. Inquirer.net. Online: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1984440/duterte-new-house-probe-wantsto-tell-people-dont-vote-for-sarain-2028 Lerner, A. B. & O’Loughlin, B. (2023). Strategic Ontologies: Narrative and Meso-Level Theorizing in International Politics. International Studies Quarterly, 67(3). Online: https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqad058 Marcelo, E. (2025, July 26). VP Sara’s Impeachment Unconstitutional – SC. The Philippine Star. Online: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2025/07/26/2460776/vp-saras-impeachment-unconstitutional-sc Mateo, J. (2024, November 3). Sara Ratings Now Lower Than Those of Chiz, Romualdez. The Philippine Star. Online: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2024/11/03/2397244/sara-ratings-now-lowerthose-chiz-romualdez Matos, Y. & Miller, J. L. (2023). The Politics of Pronouns: How Trump Framed the Ingroup in the 2016 Presidential Election. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 11(3), 507–525. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/2 1565503.2021.2007964 Mendoza, R. (2024, October 31). Duterte Ratings Dip Again. The Manila Times. Online: https://www.manilatimes.net/2024/11/01/news/national/duterte-ratings-dip-again/1994944 McCoy, A. W. (2017). Global Populism: A Lineage of Filipino Strongmen from Quezon to Marcos and Duterte. Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, 32(1–2), 7–54. Mudde, C. (2004). The Populist Zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 541–563. Online: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00135.x Muhammad Jasim, R. & Mustafa, S. (2021). English Personal Pronouns as a Manipulation Strategy in Political Discourse: A Critical Discourse Analysis. Journal of the College of Languages, (44), 1–20. Online: https://doi.org/10.36586/jcl.2.2021.0.44.0001 Panti, L. (2024, August 28). VP Sara: Comparing 2025 OVP Budget with Robredo’s Time Is Absurd. GMA News Online. Online: https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/topstories/nation/918491/vp-sara-comparingovp-budget-robredo-time-absurd/story/ Patrona, M. (2025). From Victim to Avenger: Trump’s Performance of Strategic Victimhood and the Waging of Global Trade War. Journalism and Media, 6(3). Online: https://doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia6030134 Peralta-Malonzo, T. A. (2024, September 10). Sara Duterte: Romualdez, Co Control Budget Allocations. Sun Star. Online: https://www.sunstar.com.ph/manila/sara-duterte-romualdez-co-control-budgetallocations Pratt, J. (2007). Penal Populism. Routledge. Neville-Shepard, M. & Neville-Shepard, R. (2022). Outfitting the Conservative Civil Rights Movement: Rehearsed White Victimhood and the MAGA Hat. Rhetoric and Public Affairs, 25(4), 35–63. Online: https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.25.4.0035 QualCoder (2019, August 13). What is QualCoder? Online: https://qualcoder.wordpress.com/reports/ Social Weather Stations (2022, September 23). Second Quarter 2022 Social Weather Survey: Pres. Rodrigo Duterte’s final net satisfaction rating at +81. Social Weather Stations. Online: https://www.sws.org.ph/swsmain/artcldisppage/?artcsyscode=ART-20220923101814 Teehankee, J. C. (2022). The Philippines in 2021. Asian Survey, 62(1), 126–136. Online: https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.12 Thompson, M. R. (2016a). Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 39–68. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500303 Thompson, M. R. (2016b). The Early Duterte Presidency in the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35(3), 3–14. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500301 Van Dijck, J., Poell, T. & De Waal, M. (2018). The Platform Society. Public Values in a Connective World. Oxford University Press. Online: https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889760.001.0001 Zembylas, M. (2021). Interrogating the Affective Politics of White Victimhood and Resentment in Times of Demagoguery: The Risks for Civics Education. Studies in Philosophy and Education, 40(6), 579–594. Online: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11217-021-09777-6" ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2026) ["issueId"]=> int(655) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(43) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(8) "95–114" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(19) "10.17646/KOME.of.34" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1053) "

This article examines the way in which hijacked victimhood was used to evade accountability and preserve the power of Vice President Sara Duterte-Carpio at three congressional hearings. To achieve its goals, the study used the concept of indexicals to identify linguistic forms that signal a repurposing of the traditional concept of victimhood. The study found five discursive devices of victimhood employed to demonise critics, deflect their criticism, and elicit public sympathy and support. Through these discursive strategies, the vice president avoided critical scrutiny of her budget during the hearings, which could have caused her legal difficulties. She launched personal attacks against her opponents through her answers, a tactic
that appears in populist rhetoric. The results highlight the need for critical vigilance and analysis of political communication in the Philippines to ensure that concepts traditionally associated with campaigns for justice for actual victims of harm are not reconfigured to serve partisan purposes.

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How Italian Leaders Engage Citizens through Social Media. Information, Communication & Society, 24(10), 1477–1494. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2021.1874472 Caiani, M. & Guerra, S. (Eds.). (2017). Euroscepticism, Democracy and the Media. Communicating Europe, Contesting Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Carral, U., Tuñón, J. & Elías, C. (2023). Populism, Cyberdemocracy and Disinformation: Analysis of the Social Media Strategies of the French Extreme Right in the 2014 and 2019 European Elections. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 10(23), 1–12. Online: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-01507-2 Dimitrova, D. V. & Matthes, J. (2018). Social Media in Political Campaigning around the World: Theoretical and Methodological Challenges. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 95(2), 333–342. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1077699018770437 Dubois, E. & Blank, G. (2018). The Echo Chamber Is Overstated: The Moderating Effect of Political Interest and Diverse Media. 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Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2018.1491439 Neuendorf, K. (2002). The Content Analysis Guidebook. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Kalogeropoulos, A. & Nielsen, R. K. (2019). Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2019. Oxford: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Nielsen, R. K. & Fletcher, R. (2023). Comparing the Platformization of News Media Systems: A Cross-country Analysis. European Journal of Communication, 38(5), 484–499. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/02673231231189043 Palmero Cantero, F., Fernández-Abascal, E., Martínez-Sánchez, F. & Chóliz Montañes, M. (Eds.) (2002). Psicología de la motivación y las emociones. Madrid: McGraw Hill. Papacharissi, Z. (2016). Affective Publics and Structures of Storytelling: Sentiment, Events and Mediality. Information, Communication & Society, 19(3), 307–324. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2015.1109697 Patterson, T. E. (1993). Out of Order. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Poell, T., Nieborg, D. & van Dijck, J. (2019). Platformisation. Internet Policy Review, 8(4), 1–13. Online: https://doi.org/10.14763/2019.4.1425 Rivas-de-Roca, R. & García-Gordillo, M. (2022). Brussels Will Pay for Everything. The Shaping of the European Public Sphere before NextGenerationEU. Profesional de la información, 31(3). Online: https://doi.org/10.3145/epi.2022.may.01 Rivas-de-Roca, R., Pérez-Curiel, C. & Casero-Ripollés, A. (2024). Effects of Populism: The Agenda of Factchecking Agencies to Counter European Right-wing Populist Parties. European Journal of Communication, 39(2), 105–121. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/02673231231197032 Rivera Otero, J. M., Lagares Diez, N., Jaráiz Gulías, E. & López-López, P. C. (2021). Emociones y engagement en los mensajes digitales de los candidatos a las elecciones generales de 2019. Cultura, Lenguaje y Representación, (26), 229–245. Online: https://doi.org/10.6035/clr.5844 Rogers, R. (2020). Deplatforming: Following Extreme Internet Celebrities to Telegram and Alternative Social Media. European Journal of Communication, 35(3), 213–229. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323120922066 Ronzhyn, A., Cardenal, A. S. & Batlle Rubio, A. (2023). Defining Affordances in Social Media Research: A Literature Review. New Media & Society, 25(11), 3165–3188. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448221135187 Shirky, C. (2011). The Political Power of Social Media: Technology, the Public Sphere, and Political Change. Foreign Affairs, 90(1), 28–41. Sierra, A., González-Tosat, C. & Rodríguez-Virgili, J. (2022). El uso de Telegram por los partidos políticos españoles en las elecciones generales de 2019. Observatorio (OBS*), 16(1), 138–159. Online: https://doi.org/10.15847/obsOBS16120221959 Stier, S., Bleier, A., Lietz, H. & Strohmaier, M. (2018). Election Campaigning on Social Media: Politicians, Audiences, and the Mediation of Political Communication on Facebook and Twitter. Political Communication, 35(1), 50–74. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1334728 Tirado-García, A. (2023). The Negative Campaign on Telegram: The Political Use of Criticism during the 2021 Community of Madrid Elections. Social Sciences, 12(2). Online: https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12020093 Tucker, J., Guess, A., Barbera, P., Vaccari, C., Siegel, A., Sanovich, S., Stukal, D. & Nyhan, B. (2018). Social Media, Political Polarization, and Political Disinformation: A Review of the Scientific Literature. Social Science Research Network. Online: https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3144139 Valenzuela, S., Bachmann, I. & Bargsted, M. (2021). The Personal Is the Political? What Do WhatsApp Users Share and How It Matters for News Knowledge, Polarization and Participation in Chile. Digital Journalism, 9(2), 155–175. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2019.1693904 Valeriani, A. & Vaccari, C. (2018). Political Talk on Mobile Instant Messaging Services: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Italy, and the UK. Information, Communication & Society, 21(11), 1715–1731. Online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2017.1350730 Van Kessel, S. & Castelein, R. (2016). Shifting the Blame. Populist Politicians’ Use of Twitter as a Tool of Opposition. Journal of Contemporary European Research, 12(2), 594–614. Online: https://doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v12i2.709 Verboord, M., Janssen, S., Kristensen, N. N. & Marquart, F. (2025). Institutional Trust and Media Use in Times of Cultural Backlash: A Cross-National Study in Nine European Countries. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 30(3), 752–774. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612231187568 Vermeer, S. A. M., Kruikemeier, S., Trilling, D. & de Vreese, C. H. (2021). WhatsApp with Politics?!: Examining the Effects of Interpersonal Political Discussion in Instant Messaging Apps. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 26(2), 410–437. Online: https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161220925020 Widmann, T. (2021). How Emotional Are Populists Really? Factors Explaining Emotional Appeals in the Communication of Political Parties. Political Psychology, 42(1), 163–181. Online: https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12693" ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2026) ["issueId"]=> int(655) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(43) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(9) "115–136" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(19) "10.17646/KOME.of.37" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(1017) "

In a technological age, many political actors provide orientations on digital platforms, especially during periods of crisis. This research aims to explore political messaging and the perceptions of public opinion in Europe within the period of the 2022 energy crisis that resulted from the war in Ukraine. First, the evolution of the perception of the citizenry is described, analysing trust in public institutions through a secondary analysis on data from the Eurobarometer. Then, Telegram messages posted over a trimester in 2022 (n = 929) by some of the governing parties and the main populist opposition parties in the four most populous EU countries (Germany, France, Italy, and Spain) were subjected to content analysis. Results show how trust in national institutions has been eroded compared to the EU. The communication on Telegram was quite emotional, applying both positive and negative feelings, but the agenda of populists was much more fragmented than those parties in government.

 

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object(Publication)#738 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(29) { ["id"]=> int(9195) ["accessStatus"]=> int(0) ["datePublished"]=> string(10) "2026-05-20" ["lastModified"]=> string(19) "2026-05-20 15:10:01" ["sectionId"]=> int(163) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["submissionId"]=> int(9070) ["status"]=> int(3) ["version"]=> int(1) ["categoryIds"]=> array(0) { } ["citationsRaw"]=> string(3892) "Adventurous-Ice3325 (2025, September 2). En mar betanultam, hogy egy 50 éves vidéki kistelepülésen élő [Comment on the online forum post Engem is felhívott a közvéleménykutató]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1n6jnrp/comment/nc0xx6q/ ATV Magyarország (2026, April 17). Magyar Péter először a parlamentben – sajtótájékoztató [Video]. YouTube. Online: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tgbL5EBxQho austurist (2026, February 19). Szerintem ezekben az esetekben érdemes azt mondani, hogy Fideszes vagy [Comment on the online forum post Tegnap este sikerült felb@sznom egy “közvélemény kutatót”]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1r8sy1k/comment/o67hi0z/ drnst (2025, September 2). Nálam akkor bontották, amikor megkérdeztem, melyik piackutató cég [Comment on the online forum post Engem is felhívott a közvéleménykutató]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1n6jnrp/comment/nc1orn1/ ElectricalMacaroon96 (2026, March 04). Ugyanezek voltak nálam is tegnap. Szintén alig bírta ki röhögés nélkül a kérdező [Comment on the online forum post Fideszes közvéleménykutató: Magyar ellenes szlogeneket kellett véleményeznem]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1n6jnrp/comment/nc1orn1/ erer1000 (2026, February 19). Engem aki felhivott közvélemény kutató, azzal a kérdéseket összefoglalva [Comment on the online forum post Tegnap este sikerült felb@sznom egy “közvélemény kutatót”]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1r8sy1k/comment/o67mttu/ gd42 (2024, December 04). Az ellenkezőjét kell mondani, ha a társadalomkutató (vagy egyéb ismeretlen, fidesznek dolgozó közvéleménykutató hív) [Comment on the online forum post előbb hívtak közvéleménykutatás kapcsán – telefonos mérés]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1h6cnby/comment/m0cl6lz/ GrassNo7577 (2026, March 04). Nem nagyon. De jó fej volt és pl fel sem olvasta a kérdést, hogy több mindenben egyetértek-e [Comment on the online forum post Fideszes közvéleménykutató: Magyar ellenes szlogeneket kellett véleményeznem]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1n6jnrp/comment/nc1orn1/ Guriev, S. & Treisman, D. (2020). A Theory of Informational Autocracy. Journal of Public Economics, 186. Online: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2020.104158 Guriev, S. & Treisman, D. (2019). Informational Autocrats. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33(4), 100–127. Online: https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.33.4.100 Hungarian Sociological Association (2026) A közvélemény-kutatás nem vélemény, hanem szakma [Polling Is not Opinion, It Is a Profession]. Online: https://szociologia.hu/allasfoglalasok/a-kozvelemeny-kutatasnem-velemeny-hanem-szakma OwlOnly4079 (2026, February 19). Tegnap este sikerült felb@sznom egy “közvélemény kutatót” [Online forum post]. Reddit. Online: https://www.reddit.com/r/hungary/comments/1r8sy1k/tegnap_este_siker%C3%BClt_felbsznom_egy_k%C3%B6zv%C3%A9lem%C3%A9ny/ Peterson, E. & Iyengar, S. (2021). Partisan Gaps in Political Information and Information-Seeking Behavior: Motivated Reasoning or Cheerleading? American Journal of Political Science, 65(1), 133–147. Online: https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12535 Sik, E. & Krekó, P. (2025). Hungary as an Ideological Informational Autocracy (IA) and the Moral Panic Button (MPB) as its Basic Institution. Central and Eastern European Migration Review, 14(2), 97–113. Online: https://doi.org/10.54667/ceemr.2025.21 Zubor, Z. & Szabó, K. (2026, April 02). A Massive Gap Is Developing between Polling Results by Independent and Pro-Government Pollsters. Átlátszó. Online: https://english.atlatszo.hu/2026/02/04/a-massivegap-is-developing-between-polling-results-by-independent-and-pro-government-pollsters/" ["copyrightYear"]=> int(2026) ["issueId"]=> int(655) ["licenseUrl"]=> string(43) "https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0" ["pages"]=> string(9) "137–143" ["pub-id::doi"]=> string(19) "10.17646/KOME.of.39" ["abstract"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(829) "

Prior to the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary elections, pro-government and government-independent pollsters published, quite consistently, hugely different figures on the levels of support for the main government and the main opposition parties. In the wake of the elections, it became apparent that rather than the ruling Fidesz party finishing narrowly ahead, as predicted, government-independent pollsters’ numbers were much closer to the supermajority the opposition party achieved on the 12 April voting. This commentary reflects on the insincerity of the partisan cheerleader influencing surveys conducted by government-dependent pollsters as reported on Hungarian-language Reddit forums, and consider it a possible contributing factor in their forecasts being less accurate than those of government-independent ones.

" } ["copyrightHolder"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(20) "János József Tóth" } ["prefix"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["subtitle"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(118) "A Commentary on Partisan Responses to Government-Dependent Pollsters before the 2026 Hungarian Parliamentary Elections" } ["title"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(28) "Data Pollution as Resistance" } ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["authors"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(Author)#775 (6) { ["_data"]=> array(15) { ["id"]=> int(11982) ["email"]=> string(28) "toth.janos.jozsef@uni-nke.hu" ["includeInBrowse"]=> bool(true) ["publicationId"]=> int(9195) ["seq"]=> int(1) ["userGroupId"]=> int(339) ["country"]=> string(2) "HU" ["orcid"]=> string(37) "https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5633-5991" ["url"]=> string(0) "" ["affiliation"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(141) "Ludovika University of Public Service, Office for Science Strategy; Ludovika University of Public Service, Department of Social Communication" } ["biography"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(0) "" } ["familyName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(5) "Tóth" } ["givenName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(14) "János József" } ["preferredPublicName"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> string(20) "János József Tóth" } ["submissionLocale"]=> string(5) "en_US" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) } } ["keywords"]=> array(1) { ["en_US"]=> array(5) { [0]=> string(20) "election forecasting" [1]=> string(21) "response substitution" [2]=> string(21) "expressive responding" [3]=> string(12) "partisanship" [4]=> string(14) "survey quality" } } ["subjects"]=> array(0) { } ["disciplines"]=> array(0) { } ["languages"]=> array(0) { } ["supportingAgencies"]=> array(0) { } ["galleys"]=> array(1) { [0]=> object(ArticleGalley)#788 (7) { ["_data"]=> array(9) { ["submissionFileId"]=> int(46347) ["id"]=> int(6816) ["isApproved"]=> bool(false) ["locale"]=> string(5) "en_US" ["label"]=> string(3) "PDF" ["publicationId"]=> int(9195) ["seq"]=> int(0) ["urlPath"]=> string(0) "" ["urlRemote"]=> string(0) "" } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(true) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_submissionFile"]=> NULL } } } ["_hasLoadableAdapters"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataExtractionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_extractionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) ["_metadataInjectionAdapters"]=> array(0) { } ["_injectionAdaptersLoaded"]=> bool(false) }